The Memory Hole

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Vietnam: The video features slides of Vietnam taken by Chris Cunningham, showcasing the landscape, culture, and the people of Vietnam. Rapprochement between the U.S. and the People's Republic of China: This refers to the improvement of diplomatic relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China. Historically, the relationship between the two countries has been complex, marked by periods of tension, such as during the Cold War. The rapprochement refers to specific events or initiatives that led to a thawing of relations, possibly including diplomatic visits, agreements, and treaties. China-Vietnam war: This refers to the conflict between China and Vietnam that occurred in the late 1970s. The war stemmed from various factors, including territorial disputes and ideological differences between the two communist nations. The conflict resulted in significant casualties and had lasting implications for both countries' relations and the geopolitical landscape of Southeast Asia. The Sino-Vietnamese War (also known by other names) was a brief conflict that occurred in early 1979 between China and Vietnam. China launched an offensive in response to Vietnam's invasion and occupation of Cambodia in 1978, which ended the rule of the Chinese-backed Khmer Rouge. The conflict lasted for about a month, with China withdrawing its troops in March 1979. In February 1979, Chinese forces launched a surprise invasion of northern Vietnam and quickly captured several cities near the border. On 6 March of that year, China declared that its punitive mission had been accomplished. Chinese troops then withdrew from Vietnam. However, Vietnam continued to occupy Cambodia until 1989, which means that China did not achieve its goal of dissuading Vietnam from involvement in Cambodia. However, China's operation at least successfully forced Vietnam to withdraw some units, namely the 2nd Corps, from the invasion forces of Cambodia to reinforce the defense of Hanoi.[18] The conflict had a lasting impact on the relationship between China and Vietnam, and diplomatic relations between the two countries were not fully restored until 1991. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Sino-Vietnamese border was finalized. Although unable to deter Vietnam from ousting Pol Pot from Cambodia, China demonstrated that the Soviet Union, its Cold War communist adversary, was unable to protect its Vietnamese ally.[19] Names The Sino-Vietnamese War is known by various names in Chinese and Vietnamese. The neutral names for the war are 中越战争 (Sino-Vietnamese war) in Chinese and Chiến tranh biên giới Việt-Trung (Vietnamese-Chinese border war) in Vietnamese. The Chinese government refers to the war as the "Self-defensive war against Vietnam" (对越自卫反击战)[20] or the "Self-defensive counterattack against Vietnam" (对越自卫还击保卫边疆作战).[21][22][page needed] The Vietnamese government calls it the "War against Chinese expansionism" (Chiến tranh chống bành trướng Trung Hoa).[23] The Sino-Vietnamese War is also known as the Third Indochina War in Western historiography.[24] Background Just as the First Indochina War—which emerged from the complex situation following World War II—and the Vietnam War both arose from the indecisive aftermath of political relations, the Third Indochina War again followed the unresolved problems of the earlier wars.[25] The major allied victors of World War II, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Soviet Union, all agreed that the area belonged to the French.[26] As the French did not have the means to immediately retake Indochina, the major powers agreed that the British would take control and troops would occupy the south while Nationalist Chinese forces would move in from the north.[26] Nationalist Chinese troops entered the country to disarm Japanese troops north of the 16th parallel on 14 September 1945. The parallel divided Indochina into Chinese and British controlled zones (see Timeline of World War II (1945)).[27] The British landed in the south and rearmed the small body of interned French forces as well as parts of the surrendered Japanese forces to aid in retaking southern Vietnam, as there were not enough British troops immediately available.[26] On the urging of the Soviet Union, Ho Chi Minh initially attempted to negotiate with the French, who were slowly reestablishing their control across the area, although still under British control until hostilities had ceased. Once hostilities had ended, the British handed over the territory to the French.[28] In January 1946, the Viet Minh won elections across central and northern Vietnam.[29] On 6 March 1946, Ho signed an agreement allowing French forces to replace Nationalist Chinese forces, in exchange for French recognition of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a "free" republic within the French Union, with the specifics of such recognition to be determined by future negotiation.[30][31][32] British forces departed on 26 March 1946, leaving Vietnam in the control of the French.[33] The French landed in Hanoi by March 1946 and in November of that year they ousted the Viet Minh from the city.[28] Soon thereafter, the Viet Minh began a guerrilla war against the French Union forces, beginning the first Indochina War. French colonialism and the First Indochina War Main article: First Indochina War Vietnam first became a French colony when France invaded in 1858. By the 1880s, the French had expanded their sphere of influence in Southeast Asia to include all of Vietnam, and by 1893 both Laos and Cambodia had become French colonies as well.[34] Rebellions against French colonial power were common up to World War I. The European war heightened revolutionary sentiment in Southeast Asia, and the independence-minded population rallied around revolutionaries such as Hồ Chí Minh and others, including royalists. Prior to their attack on Pearl Harbor, the Japanese occupied French Indochina, but left civil administration to the Vichy French administration.[35][36] On 9 March 1945, fearing that the Vichy French were about to switch sides to support the Allies, the Japanese overthrew the Vichy administration and forces taking control of Indochina and establishing their own puppet administration, the Empire of Vietnam. The Japanese surrender in August 1945 created a power vacuum in Indochina, as the various political factions scrambled for control.[37] The events leading to the First Indochina War are subject to historical dispute.[38] When the Việt Minh hastily sought to establish the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, the remaining French acquiesced while waiting for the return of French forces to the region.[36][38] The Kuomintang supported French restoration, but Viet Minh efforts towards independence were helped by Chinese communists under the Soviet Union's influence. The Soviet Union at first indirectly supported Vietnamese communists, but later directly supported Hồ Chí Minh.[39][40] The Soviets nonetheless remained less supportive than China until after the Sino-Soviet split, during the time of Leonid Brezhnev when the Soviet Union became communist Vietnam's key ally. The war itself involved numerous events that had major impacts throughout Indochina. Two major conferences were held to bring about a resolution. Finally, on 20 July 1954, the Geneva Conference resulted in a political settlement to reunite the country, signed with support from China, the Soviet Union, and Western European powers.[39] While the Soviet Union played a constructive role in the agreement, it again was not as involved as China.[39][40] The U.S. did not sign the agreement and swiftly moved to back South Vietnam. Sino-Soviet split Main article: Sino-Soviet split The Chinese Communist Party and the Viet Minh had a long history. During the initial stages of the First Indochina War with France, the recently founded communist People's Republic of China continued the Soviet mission to expand communism. Therefore, they aided the Viet Minh and became the connector between Soviets and the Viet Minh.[41]: 45  After the death of Joseph Stalin in March 1953, relations between the Soviet Union and China began to deteriorate. Mao Zedong believed the new Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev had made a serious error in his Secret Speech denouncing Stalin in February 1956, and criticized the Soviet Union's interpretation of Marxism–Leninism, in particular Khrushchev's support for peaceful co-existence and its interpretation. This led to increasingly hostile relations, and eventually the Sino-Soviet split. From here, Chinese communists played a decreasing role in helping their former allies because the Viet Minh did not support China against the Soviets. Following worsening relations between the Soviet Union and China as a result of the Sino-Soviet split of 1956–1966, as many as 1.5 million Chinese troops were stationed along the Sino-Soviet border in preparation for a full-scale war against the Soviets. Vietnam antagonized China by increasing its alignment with the Soviet Union by joining the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) (and signing the Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation with the Soviet Union, which had the Soviet Union pledge to aid Vietnam if attacked.[42] Following the death of Mao in September 1976, the overthrow of the Gang of Four and the ascent of Deng Xiaoping, the Chinese leadership revised its own positions to become compatible with market aspects, denounced the Cultural Revolution, and collaborated with the US against the Soviet Union. Vietnam War Main article: Vietnam War See also: China in the Vietnam War As France withdrew from a provisionally divided Vietnam in late 1954, the United States increasingly stepped in to support the South Vietnamese leaders due to the Domino theory, which theorized that if one nation would turn to communism, the surrounding nations were likely to fall like dominoes and become communist as well. The Soviet Union and North Vietnam became important allies together due to the fact that if South Vietnam was successfully taken over by North Vietnam, then communism in East Asia would find its strategic position bolstered. In the eyes of the People's Republic of China, the growing Soviet-Vietnamese relationship was a disturbing development; they feared an encirclement by the less-than-hospitable Soviet sphere of influence. The United States and the Soviet Union could not agree on a plan for a proposed 1956 election meant to unify the partitioned Vietnam. Instead, the South held a separate election that was widely considered fraudulent, leading to continued internal conflict with communist factions led by the Viet Cong that intensified through the late 1950s. With supplies and support from the Soviet Union, North Vietnamese forces became directly involved in the ongoing guerrilla war by 1959 and openly invaded the South in 1964. The United States played an ever-increasing role in supporting South Vietnam through the period. The U.S. had supported French forces in the First Indochina War, sent supplies and military advisers to South Vietnam throughout the 1950s and early 1960s, and eventually took over most of the fighting against both North Vietnam and the Viet Cong by the mid-1960s. By 1968, over 500,000 American troops were involved in the Vietnam War. Due to a lack of clear military success and facing increasingly strident opposition to the war in the U.S., American forces began a slow withdrawal in 1969 while attempting to bolster South Vietnam's military so that they could take over the fighting. In accordance with the Paris Peace Accords by 29 March 1973 all U.S. combat forces had left South Vietnam, however North Vietnamese combat forces were allowed to remain in place. North Vietnam attacked South Vietnam in early 1975 and South Vietnam fell on 30 April 1975. The People's Republic of China started talks with the United States in the early 1970s, culminating in high level meetings with Henry Kissinger and later Richard Nixon. These meetings contributed to a re-orientation of Chinese foreign policy toward the United States. Cambodia Main article: Cambodian–Vietnamese War Although the Vietnamese Communists and the Khmer Rouge had previously cooperated, the relationship deteriorated when Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot came to power and established Democratic Kampuchea on 17 April 1975. The People's Republic of China, on the other hand, also supported the Maoist Khmer Rouge against Lon Nol's regime during the Cambodian Civil War and its subsequent take-over of Cambodia. China provided extensive political, logistical and military support for the Khmer Rouge during its rule.[43] After numerous clashes along the border between Vietnam and Cambodia, and with encouragement from Khmer Rouge defectors fleeing purges of the Eastern Zone, Vietnam invaded Cambodia on 25 December 1978. By 7 January 1979 Vietnamese forces had entered Phnom Penh and the Khmer Rouge leadership had fled to western Cambodia. The offensive took the Chinese by surprise, and its Phnom Penh embassy fled to the jungle with the Khmer Rouge where it remained for 15 days.[44] However, the fall of the Khmer Rouge was not a surprise, but from China's perspective, Vietnam's occupation of Cambodia threatened China's interests on the Indochina peninsula and its position among non-communist Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states of Southeast Asia.[45] Members of ASEAN saw Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia as a blatant violation of international borders and an act of aggression.[46] Ethnic minorities Main articles: United Front for the Liberation of Oppressed Races, FULRO insurgency against Vietnam, Degar, and Hmong insurgency China supported the ethnic minority United Front for the Liberation of Oppressed Races against Vietnam during the FULRO insurgency against Vietnam.[citation needed] The Vietnamese executed collaborators who worked for the Chinese, regardless of ethnicity.[47] The Chinese received a significant number of defectors from the Thu Lao ethnic minority in Vietnam during the war.[48] During the war China received as migrants the entire A Lù based population of the Phù Lá ethnic minority.[49] China received so many defectors from the ethnic minorities in Vietnam that it raised shock among Vietnam which had to launch a new effort to re-assert dominance over the ethnic minorities and classify them.[50] Post Vietnam War, an insurgency against Vietnam lasted among the indigenous Mon-Khmer and Malayo-Polynesians of the Central Highlands.[51] Assistance was sought from China by the Hmong ethnic minority.[52] The border was frequently crossed by Chinese, Lao, Kinh, Hmong, Yao, Nung, and Tai.[53] The Laotian Hmong and FULRO were both supported against Vietnam by China and Thailand.[47][54] China attacks Vietnam China, now under Deng Xiaoping, was starting the Chinese economic reform and opening trade with the West, in turn, growing increasingly defiant of the Soviet Union. China grew concerned about the strong Soviet influence in Vietnam, fearing that Vietnam could become a pseudo-protectorate of the Soviet Union.[55] Vietnam's claim to be the world's third largest military power following its victory in the Vietnam War also increased Chinese apprehensions.[55] In the Chinese view, Vietnam was pursuing a regional hegemonic policy in an attempt to control Indochina.[55] In July 1978, the Chinese Politburo discussed possible military action against Vietnam in order to disrupt Soviet deployments and, two months later, PLA General Staff recommended punitive actions against Vietnam.[55] The major breakdown in the Chinese view of Vietnam occurred in November 1978.[55] Vietnam joined the CMEA and, on 3 November, the Soviet Union and Vietnam signed a 25-year mutual defense treaty, which made Vietnam the "linchpin" in the Soviet Union's "drive to contain China".[56] (However, the Soviet Union had shifted from open animosity towards more normalized relations with China soon after.)[57] Vietnam called for a special relationship between the three Indochinese countries, but the Khmer Rouge regime of Democratic Kampuchea rejected the idea.[55] On 25 December 1978, Vietnam invaded Democratic Kampuchea, overrunning most of the country, deposing the Khmer Rouge, and installing Heng Samrin as the head of the new Cambodian government.[58] The move antagonized China, which now viewed the Soviet Union as capable of encircling its southern border.[59] On 29 January 1979, Chinese Vice-premier Deng Xiaoping visited the United States for the first time and told U.S. President Jimmy Carter: "The child is getting naughty, it is time he got spanked" (小朋友不听话，该打打屁股了).[60] Deng sought an endorsement from the United States in order to deter the Soviet Union from intervening when China launched a punitive attack against Vietnam.[59] He informed Carter that China could not accept Vietnam's "wild ambitions" and was prepared to teach it a lesson.[59] According to United States National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, Carter reserved judgment, an action which Chinese diplomats interpreted as tacit approval.[59] Deng returned to China on 8 February 1979, and on 9 February, made the final decision to invade Vietnam.[61] On 15 February, the first day that China could have officially announced the termination of the 1950 Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance, Deng Xiaoping declared that China planned to conduct a limited attack on Vietnam. Thus, he further developed China's burgeoning cooperation with the United States against the Soviet Union and would take a similar stance later regarding Afghanistan.[62] According to academic Suisheng Zhao, "The proximity in the timing of the military thrust against Vietnam, was to take advantage of the normalization to bluff the Soviets with a nonexistent US endorsement."[61] The reason cited for the attack was to support China's ally, the Khmer Rouge of Cambodia, in addition to the mistreatment of Vietnam's ethnic Chinese minority and the Vietnamese occupation of the Spratly Islands which were claimed by China. To prevent Soviet intervention on Vietnam's behalf, Deng warned Moscow the next day that China was prepared for a full-scale war against the Soviet Union; in preparation for this conflict, China put all of its troops along the Sino-Soviet border on an emergency war alert, set up a new military command in Xinjiang, and even evacuated an estimated 300,000 civilians from the Sino-Soviet border.[63] In addition, the bulk of China's active forces (as many as one-and-a-half million troops) were stationed along China's border with the Soviet Union.[64] Order of battle This section may contain an excessive amount of intricate detail that may interest only a particular audience. Please help by spinning off or relocating any relevant information, and removing excessive detail that may be against Wikipedia's inclusion policy. (November 2022) (Learn how and when to remove this message) Chinese forces Although the People's Liberation Army vastly outnumbered the Vietnamese forces, the Soviet-Vietnamese alliance compelled the Chinese to deploy the majority of their forces along China's northern frontier with the Soviet Union (as well as, to a lesser extent, Soviet-allied Mongolia) as a deterrent to Soviet intervention. The Chinese force that engaged the Vietnamese consisted of units from the Kunming Military Region, Chengdu Military Region, Wuhan Military Region and Guangzhou Military Region, but commanded by the headquarters of Kunming Military Region on the western front and Guangzhou Military Region in the eastern front. Guangxi Direction (East Front) commanded by the Front Headquarter of Guangzhou Military Region in Nanning. Commander-Xu Shiyou, Political Commissar-Xiang Zhonghua, Chief of Staff-Zhou Deli North Group: Commander-Ou Zhifu (Deputy Commander of Guangzhou Military Region) 41st Army Commander-Zhang Xudeng, Political Commissar-Liu Zhanrong 121st Infantry Division Commander-Zheng Wenshui 122nd Infantry Division Commander-Li Xinliang 123rd Infantry Division Commander-Li Peijiang South Group: Commander-Wu Zhong (Deputy Commander of Guangzhou Military Region) 42nd Army Commander-Wei Huajie, Political Commissar-Xun Li 124th Infantry Division Commander-Gu Hui 125th Infantry Division 126th Infantry Division East Group: Commander-Jiang Xieyuan (Deputy Commander of Guangzhou Military Region) 55th Army Commander-Zhu Yuehua, Temporary Political Commissar-Guo Changzeng 163rd Infantry Division Commander-Bian Guixiang, Political Commissar-Wu Enqing, Chief of Staff-Xing Shizhong 164th Infantry Division Commander-Xiao Xuchu (also Deputy Commander of 55th Corps) 165th Infantry Division 1st Artillery Division Reserve Group (came from Wuhan Military Region except 50th Corps from Chengdu Military Region), Deputy Commander-Han Huaizhi (Commander of 54th Corps) 43rd Army Commander-Zhu Chuanyu, Temporary Political Commissar-Zhao Shengchang 127th Infantry Division Commander-Zhang Wannian (also as the Deputy Commander of 43rd Corps) 128th Infantry Division 129th Infantry Division 54th Army Commander-Han Huaizhi (pluralism), Political Commissar-Zhu Zhiwei 160th Infantry Division (commanded by 41st Corp in this war) Commander-Zhang Zhixin, Political Commissar-Li Zhaogui 161st Infantry Division 162nd Infantry Division Commander-Li Jiulong 50th Army Temporary Commander-Liu Guangtong, Political Commissar-Gao Xingyao 148th Infantry Division 150th Infantry Division 20th Army (only dispatched the 58th Division into the war) 58th Infantry Division (commanded by the 50th Corps during the war) Guangxi Military Region (as a provincial military region) Commander-Zhao Xinran Chief of Staff-Yin Xi 1st Regiment of Frontier Defense in Youyiguan Pass 2nd Regiment of Frontier Defense in Baise District 3rd Regiment of Frontier Defense in Fangcheng County The Independent Infantry Division of Guangxi Military Region[65] Air Force of Guangzhou Military Region (armed patrol in the sky of Guangxi, did not see combat) 7th Air Force Corps 13th Air Force Division (aerotransport unit came from Hubei province) 70th Antiaircraft Artillery Division The 217 Fleet of South Sea Fleet 8th Navy Aviation Division The Independent Tank Regiment of Guangzhou Military Region 83rd Bateau Boat Regiment 84th Bateau Boat Regiment Yunnan Direction (the West Front) commanded by the Front Headquarter of Kunming Military Region in Kaiyuan. Commander-Yang Dezhi, Political Commissar-Liu Zhijian, Chief of Staff-Sun Ganqing 11th Army (consisted of two divisions) Commander-Chen Jiagui, Political Commissar-Zhang Qi 31st Infantry Division 32nd Infantry Division 13th Army(camed from Chengdu Military Region) Commander-Yan Shouqing, Political Commissar-Qiao Xueting 37th Infantry Division 38th Infantry Division 39th Infantry Division 14th Army Commander-Zhang Jinghua, Political Commissar-Fan Xinyou 40th Infantry Division 41st Infantry Division 42nd Infantry Division 149th Infantry Division (from Chengdu Military Region, belonged to 50th Corps, assigned to Yunnan Direction during the war) Yunnan Military Region (as a provincial military region) 11th Regiment of Frontier Defence in Maguan County 12th Regiment of Frontier Defence in Malipo County 13th Regiment of Frontier Defence in 14th Regiment of Frontier Defence in 1st Garrison Division of Chengdu Military Region commanded by 11th Army in the war 65th Antiaircraft Artillery Division 4th Artillery Division Independent Tank Regiment of Kunming Military Region 86th Bateau Boat Regiment 23rd Logistic Branch (consisted of five army service stations, six hospitals, eleven medical establishments) 17th Automobile Regiment commanded by 13th Corps during the war 22nd Automobile Regiment 5th Air Force Corps 44th Air Force Division (fighter unit) Independent unit of 27th Air Force Division 15th Air Force Antiaircraft Artillery Division Vietnamese forces The Vietnamese government claimed they only had a force of about 60,000 including several army regular divisions in its northern area.[66] 1st Military Region: commanded by Major General Đàm Quang Trung, responsible for the defense at Northeast region.[67] Main forces: 3rd Infantry Division (Golden Star Division), consisted of 2nd Infantry Regiment, 12th Infantry Regiment, 141st Infantry Regiment and 68th Artillery Regiment. All were located at Dong Dang, Van Dang, Cao Loc and Lạng Sơn town of Lạng Sơn Province 338th Infantry Division, consisted of 460th Infantry Regiment, 461st Infantry Regiment, 462nd Infantry Regiment and 208th Artillery Regiment. All were located at Loc Binh and Dinh Lap of Lạng Sơn Province 346th Infantry Division (Lam Son Division), consisted of 246th Infantry Regiment, 677th Infantry Regiment, 851st Infantry Regiment and 188th Artillery Regiment. All were located at Tra Linh, Ha Quang and Hoa An of Cao Bằng Province 325th-B Infantry Division, consisted of 8th Infantry Regiment, 41st Infantry Regiment, 288th Infantry Regiment and 189th Artillery Regiment. All were located at Tien Yen and Binh Lieu of Quảng Ninh Province 242nd Infantry Brigade, located at coastlines and islands of Quảng Ninh Province Local forces: At Cao Bằng Province: 567th Infantry Regiment, 1 artillery battalion, 1 battalion of air defense artillery and 7 infantry battalions At Lạng Sơn Province: 123rd Infantry Regiment, 199th Infantry Regiment and 7 infantry battalions At Quảng Ninh Province: 43rd Infantry Regiment, 244th Infantry Regiment, 1 artillery battalion, 4 battalions of air defense artillery and 5 infantry battalions Armed police forces (Border guard): 12th Mobile Regiment at Lang Son, 4 battalions at Cao Bang and Quang Ninh, some companies and 24 border posts 2nd Military Region: commanded by Major General Vũ Lập, responsible for the defense at Northwest region.[67] Main forces: 316th Infantry Division (Bong Lau Division), consisted of 98th Infantry Regiment, 148th Infantry Regiment, 147th Infantry Regiment and 187th Artillery Regiment. All were located at Binh Lu and Phong Tho of Lai Châu Province 345th Infantry Division, consisted of 118th Infantry Regiment, 121st Infantry Regiment, 124th Infantry Regiment and 190th Artillery Regiment. All were located at Bao Thang of Hoang Lien Son province 326th Infantry Division, consisted of 19th Infantry Regiment, 46th Infantry Regiment, 541st Infantry Regiment and 200th Artillery Regiment. All were located at Tuan Giao and Dien Bien of Lai Châu Province Local forces: At Ha Tuyen: 122nd Infantry Regiment, 191st Infantry Regiment, 1 artillery battalion and 8 infantry battalions At Hoang Lien Son: 191st Infantry Regiment, 254th Infantry Regiment, 1 artillery battalion and 8 infantry battalions At Lai Châu: 193rd Infantry Regiment, 741st Infantry Regiment, 1 artillery battalion and 5 infantry battalions Armed police forces (Border guard): 16th Mobile Regiment at Hoang Lien Son, some companies and 39 border posts In addition, Vietnamese forces were supported by about 50,000 militia at each Military Region Air force 372nd Air Division[68] 1 air flight of ten F-5s (captured after Vietnam War) 1 air flight of ten A-37s (captured after Vietnam War) 1 air flight of seven UH-1s and three UH-7s (captured after Vietnam War) 919th Air Transport Regiment[68] responsible for transporting troops Several C-130, C-119 and C-47 (captured after Vietnam War) 371st Air Division[69] 916th Helicopter Regiment Several Mi-6 and Mi-8 918th Air Transport Regiment 923rd Fighter Regiment Several MiG-17s and MiG-21 The Vietnam People's Air Force did not participate in the combat directly, instead they provided support to the ground troops, transported troops from Cambodia to northern Vietnam as well as performed reconnaissance missions. Air Defence[70] Northern and Northwestern regions: 267th Air Defence Regiment 276th Air Defence Regiment 285th Air Defence Regiment 255th Air Defence Regiment 257th Air Defence Regiment Northeastern region: 274th Air Defence Regiment History and conscriptions Course of the war See also: Battle of Lạng Sơn (1979), Battle of Dong Dang (1979), Battle of Lao Cai, and Battle of Cao Bang (1979) On 17 February 1979, a People's Liberation Army (PLA) force of about 200,000 troops supported by 200 Type 59, Type 62, and Type 63 tanks entered northern Vietnam in the PLA's first major combat operation since the end of the Korean War in 1953.[71] The PLA invasion was conducted in two directions: western and eastern Western direction, commanded by Xu Shiyou, aimed to attack Cao Bằng, Lạng Sơn and Quảng Ninh Provinces:[72] Eastern direction, commanded by Yang Dezhi, aimed to attack Ha Tuyen, Hoang Lien Son and Lai Châu Provinces Vietnam quickly mobilized all its main forces in Cambodia, southern Vietnam and central Vietnam to the northern border. From 18 to 25 February, the 327th Infantry Division of Military District 3 and the 337th Infantry Division of Military District 4 were deployed to join Military District 1 for the defense of northwestern region. From 6 to 11 March the Second Corp (Huong Giang Corp) stationed in Cambodia was deployed back to Hanoi. The 372nd Air Division in central Vietnam as well as the 917th, 935th and 937th Air Regiments in southern Vietnam were quickly deployed to the north.[70] The PLA quickly advanced about 15–20 kilometres into Vietnam, with fighting mainly occurring in the provinces of Cao Bằng, Lào Cai and Lạng Sơn. The Vietnamese avoided mobilizing their regular divisions, and held back some 300,000 troops for the defence of Hanoi.[citation needed] The People's Army of Vietnam (VPA) tried to avoid direct combat and often used guerrilla tactics.[citation needed] The initial PLA attack soon lost its momentum and a new attack wave was sent in with eight PLA divisions joining the battle. After capturing the northern heights above Lạng Sơn, the PLA surrounded and paused in front of the city in order to lure the VPA into reinforcing it with units from Cambodia. This was the main strategic ploy in the Chinese war plan as Deng did not want to risk escalating tensions with the Soviet Union. After three days of bloody house-to-house fighting, Lạng Sơn fell on 6 March. The PLA then took the southern heights above Lạng Sơn[73] and occupied Sa Pa. The PLA claimed to have crushed several of the VPA regular units.[10] Supporting attacks were also conducted by the PLA at Quảng Ninh Province in the Battle of Mong Cai and Battle of Cao Ba Lanh but were unsuccessful.[74] However, Bangkok analysts gave a completely different count, heavy Vietnamese resistance near Lao Cai in the west and Cao Bang in the middle of the front also resulted in Vietnamese defeats. The Chinese also captured the far northeastern provincial capital, Mong Cai, analysts said.[75] According to Vietnam,[72] since January 1979 Chinese forces performed numerous reconnaissance activities across the border and made 230 violations into Vietnamese land. To prepare for a possible Chinese invasion, the Central Military Committee of the Communist Party ordered all armed forces across the border to be on stand-by mode. On 6 March, China declared that the gate to Hanoi was open and that their punitive mission had been achieved. Coincidentally, the Vietnamese government called, on the same day, for a nationwide general mobilization for the war.[76] Some analysts said that the belligerent Vietnamese language could indicate a desire to counterattack, or simply an attempt to mount a propaganda campaign that would end in a declaration of Vietnamese victory as the Chinese leave the country.[77] During the withdrawal, the PLA used a scorched-earth policy, destroying local infrastructure and looting useful equipment and resources (including livestock), this severely weakened the economy of Vietnam's northernmost provinces.[10] The PLA crossed the border back into China on 16 March. Both sides declared victory with China claiming to have crushed the Vietnamese resistance and Vietnam claiming to have repelled the invasion using mostly border militias. Henry J. Kenny, a research scientist for US Center for Naval Analyses, noted most Western writers agree that while Vietnam outperformed the PLA on the battlefield, the PLA's seizure of Lang Son did allow the Chinese the option of moving into the Red River Delta and thence into Hanoi. However, Kenny also mentions that Lang Son is farther from Hanoi than it is from the Chinese border, and at least 5 PAVN divisions in the delta remained ready for a counterattack and thirty thousand additional PAVN troops from Cambodia along with several regiments from Laos were moving to their support. Thus, had the PLA decided to attack Hanoi, the PLA would have suffered huge losses.[78] Contrary to the views above, it was reported by the New York Times that Western intelligence analysts believed that even though the border war was coming to an end, and that the provincial Vietnamese troops, who took the brunt of the fighting that started on February 17, suffered such high casualties and became so disorganized as a result of the invasion, they had to be replaced with regular troops.[79] Vietnam sent one regular division, as well as armor and artillery support units, into the fight at the height of the fighting for Lang Son, which was captured by Chinese forces, but the regular division failed to take the town. The Chinese made their withdrawal announcement following their victory at Lang Son, which Hanoi refused to recognize. Analysts interpreted this as a warning to Vietnam that any military objective there may be taken by China. Analysts claimed that regardless of the outcome of the combat, China had managed to permanently divert Vietnamese troops, supplies, attention, and energy to the border region. This was due to Vietnam's intensive resupply and remanning of the border zone.[80] Despite using a force that did not see major combat since the early 1950s and whose weaponry was inferior to the Vietnamese forces, the PLA was considered to have fought well.[81] Most of the weaponry and military vehicles used by the PLA were either outdated or unfit for combat.[81] In contrast, the Vietnamese forces had a combat-seasoned force and modern weaponry from America and the Soviet Union.[81] The PLA pushed Vietnamese forces 25 miles (40 km) from the border and succeeded in severely damaging the area they occupied.[81] Soviet support to Vietnam The Soviet Union, although it did not take direct military action, provided intelligence and equipment support for Vietnam.[82] A large airlift was established by the Soviet Union to move Vietnamese troops from Cambodia to Northern Vietnam. Moscow also provided a total of 400 tanks and armored personnel carriers (APCs), 500 mortar artillery and air defense artillery, 50 BM-21 rocket launchers, 400 portable surface-to-air missiles, 800 anti-tank missiles and 20 jet fighters. About 5,000 to 8,000 Soviet military advisers were present in Vietnam in 1979 to train Vietnamese soldiers. During the Sino-Vietnamese War, the Soviet Union deployed troops at the Sino-Soviet border and Mongolian-Chinese border as an act of showing support to Vietnam, as well as tying up Chinese troops. However, the Soviets refused to take any direct action to defend their ally.[83] The Soviet Pacific Fleet also deployed 15 ships to the Vietnamese coast to relay Chinese battlefield communications to Vietnamese forces.[84] Soviet inaction While the Soviet Union deployed naval vessels and supplied materiel to Vietnam, they felt that there was simply no way that they could directly support Vietnam against China; the distances were too great to be an effective ally, and any sort of reinforcements would have to cross territory controlled by China or U.S. allies.[citation needed] The only realistic option would be to restart the unresolved border conflict with China.[citation needed] Vietnam was important to Soviet policy but not enough for the Soviets to go to war over.[85] When Moscow did not intervene, Beijing publicly proclaimed that the Soviet Union had broken its numerous promises to assist Vietnam. Another reason why Moscow did not intervene was because Beijing had promised both Moscow and Washington that the invasion was only a limited war, and that Chinese forces would withdraw after a short incursion. After moderation by the U.S., Moscow decided to adopt a "wait and see" approach to see if Beijing would actually limit their offense. Because Vietnam's anti-air capabilities were among the best in the world at the time and in order to reassure Moscow it was conducting a limited war, Deng Xiaoping ordered the Chinese navy and air force to remain out of the war; only limited support was provided by the air force.[86] When Beijing kept its promise, Moscow did not retaliate. Aftermath Nam Quan Gate China and Vietnam each lost thousands of troops, and China lost 3.45 billion yuan in overhead, which delayed completion of their 1979–80 economic plan.[87] Following the war, the Vietnamese leadership took various repressive measures to deal with the problem of real or potential collaboration. In the spring of 1979, the authorities expelled approximately 8,000 Hoa people from Hanoi to the southern "New Economic Zones", and partially resettled the Hmong tribes and other ethnic minorities from the northernmost provinces. In response to the defection of Hoàng Văn Hoan, the Communist Party of Vietnam removed from its ranks pro-Chinese elements and persons who had surrendered to the advancing Chinese troops during the war. In 1979, a total of 20,468 members were expelled from the party.[88] After the invasion, Vietnam created a puppet government in Cambodia led by Heng Samrin.[89] Samrin was obligated to consult with the Vietnamese on major decisions.[90] Although Vietnam continued to occupy Cambodia, China successfully mobilized international opposition to the occupation, rallying such leaders as Cambodia's deposed king Norodom Sihanouk, Cambodian anticommunist leader Son Sann, and high-ranking members of the Khmer Rouge to deny the pro-Vietnamese Cambodian People's Party in Cambodia diplomatic recognition beyond the Soviet bloc. The majority of diplomats and analysts concluded that China's long-term strategy was to stretch Vietnamese resources by having the Vietnamese divert their resources from other problems to the border conflict. Problems include Vietnam's difficulties integrating South Vietnam with the North, the burden of administrating Laos and occupying Cambodia, and economic problems caused by two years of disastrous weather.[91] After the war, border skirmishes at the Chinese-Vietnamese border continued; the Vietnamese government intensified its discriminatory policies against the Chinese community in Vietnam; and the Vietnamese were not deterred from maintaining their occupation of Cambodia, increasing its control over Laos and threatening the security of Thailand, which turned Vietnam into a greater threat to ASEAN than before.[5] The Vietnamese government intensified its persecution of overseas Chinese living in Vietnam. Vietnamese authorities confiscated property owned in Vietnam by overseas Chinese, and expelled many Chinese from Vietnam to a number of provinces in southern China.[92] However, China caused Vietnam to suffer from serious economic and military hardship by threatening to launch a second invasion, and by supporting Pol Pot guerrillas in Cambodia. The Vietnamese government had to spend money on maintaining a military presence at the Chinese-Vietnamese border, and on supporting its puppet government in Cambodia. Vietnam's scarce resources were drained, and economic conditions were bad throughout Vietnam.[5] Assessments of the strategic consequences of the war vary considerably. Journalist Howard W. French quoted some historians of the opinion that "the war was started by Mr. Deng (China's then paramount leader Deng Xiaoping) to keep the army preoccupied while he consolidated power ..."[93] However, China strengthened its relations with ASEAN countries – particularly Thailand and Singapore – due to their fear of Vietnamese aggression. Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew wrote in 2000: "The Western press wrote off the Chinese punitive action as a failure. I believe it changed the history of East Asia."[94] In contrast, Vietnam's decreasing prestige in the region led it to be more dependent on the Soviet Union, to which it leased a naval base at Cam Ranh Bay.[95] Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger wrote that "China succeeded in exposing the limits of...[Soviet] strategic reach" and speculated that the desire to "compensate for their ineffectuality" contributed to the Soviets' decision to intervene in Afghanistan a year later.[96] Chinese casualties The number of casualties during the war is disputed. Shortly after China had announced the withdrawal of its troops from Vietnam, the state-run Vietnam News Agency claimed that the PLA had suffered over 44,000 casualties, a figure which Western analysts at the time considered to be greatly inflated.[97] Other Vietnamese sources claimed the PLA had suffered 62,500 total casualties, including 550 military vehicles and 115 artillery pieces destroyed.[98] Leaks from Chinese military sources indicate that China suffered 6,954 dead.[6][10][99] Deputy chief of the General Staff Wu Xiuquan revealed in a meeting with a French military delegation that Vietnam suffered 50,000 casualties, whereas China had suffered 20,000 casualties. Regardless of the accuracy of the Vietnamese casualties, it can be concluded that the Chinese losses were severe, according to Daniel Tretiak.[100] Vietnamese casualties Like their Chinese counterparts, the Vietnamese government has never officially announced any information on its actual military casualties. China estimated that Vietnam lost 57,000 soldiers and 70,000 militia members during the war.[101][102][103] The Vietnamese state newspaper Nhân Dân claimed that Vietnam suffered more than 10,000 civilian deaths during the Chinese invasion[104][105] and earlier on 17 May 1979, reported statistics on heavy losses of industry and agricultural properties.[104] Prisoners Captured Vietnamese soldiers at a Chinese prison camp Chinese POWs guarded by the Vietnamese The Chinese held 1,636 Vietnamese prisoners and the Vietnamese held 238 Chinese prisoners; they were exchanged in May–June 1979.[14][15] PLA reforms Deng subsequently used the PLA's poor performance to overcome resistance from PLA leadership to further military reforms.[106] Sino-Vietnamese relations after the war Main article: China–Vietnam relations See also: Sino-Vietnamese conflicts, 1979–1991; Battle of the Paracel Islands; and Johnson South Reef Skirmish Border skirmishes continued throughout the 1980s, including a significant skirmish in April 1984 and a naval battle over the Spratly Islands in 1988 known as the Johnson South Reef Skirmish. Armed conflict only ended in 1989 after the Vietnamese agreed to fully withdraw from Cambodia. Both nations planned the normalization of their relations in a secret summit in Chengdu in September 1990, and officially normalized ties in November 1991. In 1999, after many years of negotiations, China and Vietnam signed a border pact.[107] There was an adjustment of the land border, resulting in Vietnam giving China part of its land which was lost during the battle, including the Ai Nam Quan Gate which served as the traditional border marker and entry point between Vietnam and China, which caused widespread frustration within Vietnamese communities.[108] A new bridge spanning the Red River between Hekou and Kim Thành, on the main road between Kunming and Hanoi The December 2007 announcement of a plan to build a Hanoi–Kunming highway was a landmark in Sino-Vietnamese relations. The road will traverse the border that once served as a battleground. It is predicted to contribute to demilitarizing the border region, as well as facilitating trade and industrial cooperation between the nations.[109] In popular culture Chinese media There are a number of Chinese songs, movies and TV programs depicting and discussing this conflict from the Chinese viewpoint. These vary from the patriotic song "Bloodstained Glory" originally written to laud the sacrifice and service of the Chinese military, to the 1986 film The Big Parade which carried veiled criticism of the war.[citation needed] The 1984 Xie Jin film Wreaths at the Foot of the Mountain was the earliest mainland China film to depict the war, although its narrative was that the Chinese were on the defensive after Vietnamese attacked the Chinese border first with the objective of Nanning. The male protagonist of the television series Candle in the Tomb was a veteran of conflict.[110] The 2017 Chinese movie Youth covers the period of the Sino-Vietnamese conflict from the perspective of the larger cultural changes taking place in China during that period of time. Vietnamese media The war was mentioned in the film Đất mẹ (Motherland) directed by Hải Ninh in 1980 and Thị xã trong tầm tay (Town at the Fingertips) directed by Đặng Nhật Minh in 1982.[111] Besides in 1982, a documentary film called Hoa đưa hương nơi đất anh nằm (Flowers over Your Grave) was directed by Truong Thanh, the film told a story of a Japanese journalist who died during the war.[112] During the war, there were numerous patriotic songs produced to boost the nationalism of Vietnamese people, including "Chiến đấu vì độc lập tự do" ("Fight for Independence and Freedom") composed by Phạm Tuyên, "Lời tạm biệt lúc lên đường" ("Farewell When Leaving") by Vu Trong Hoi, "40 thế kỷ cùng ra trận" ("40 Centuries We Fought Side By Side") by Hong Dang, "Những đôi mắt mang hình viên đạn" ("The Eyes Shaped Like Bullets") by Tran Tien and "Hát về anh" (Sing for you) by The Hien. The Sino-Vietnamese War also appeared in some novels such as: Đêm tháng Hai (Night of February) written by Chu Lai in 1979 and Chân dung người hàng xóm (Portrait of My Neighbors[113]) written by Duong Thu Huong in 1979. See also flagChina portalflagVietnam portal List of wars involving the People's Republic of China List of wars involving Vietnam China–Vietnam relations Cambodia–Vietnam relations Cambodian–Vietnamese War Sino-Soviet border conflict Sino-Soviet relations Sino-Soviet split Sino-Vietnamese conflicts (1979–1991) Notes References Citations Nayan Chanda, "End of the Battle but Not of the War", p. 10. Khu vực có giá trị tượng trưng tinh thần nhất là khoảng 300m đường xe lửa giữa Hữu Nghị Quan và trạm kiểm soát biên giới Việt Nam. Nguyen, Can Van. "Sino-Vietnamese Border Issues". NGO Realm. Archived from the original on 31 August 2014. Retrieved 6 October 2014. Nguyen, Can Van. "INTERVIEW ON TERRITORY AND TERRITORIAL WATERS". vlink.com. Archived from the original on 12 January 2015. Retrieved 6 October 2014. Gompert, David C.; Binnendijk, Hans; Lin, Bonny. Blinders, Blunders, and Wars: What America and China Can Learn (PDF) (Report). RAND Corporation. Archived (PDF) from the original on 16 November 2016. Retrieved 1 August 2020. Tretiak 1979, p. 753. Zhang Xiaoming, "China's 1979 War with Vietnam: A Reassessment" Archived October 31, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, China Quarterly, Issue no. 184 (December 2005), pp. 851–874. Actually thought to have been 200,000 with 400–550 tanks. Zhang writes that: "Existing scholarship tends towards an estimate of as many as 25,000 PLA killed in action and another 37,000 wounded. Recently available Chinese sources categorize the PLA's losses as 6,594 dead and approximately 31,000 injured, giving a total of 24,000 casualties from an invasion force of 200,000." Nga, Đỗ Thu. 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The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Situation in Iran: Middle East Studies professor Najm Bezirgan provides insights into the political, social, and economic situation in Iran. Discussions about Iran's government structure, its relations with other countries, domestic issues such as human rights, and economic challenges like sanctions. Human Rights Violations in Romania: A local representative of Amnesty International reports on human rights violations in Romania. This encompasses various aspects such as freedom of speech, political repression, discrimination, treatment of minorities, and conditions in prisons or detention centers. Welfare for the Rich: This segment delves into the phenomenon where wealthy individuals or corporations receive tax breaks, subsidies, and other favorable legislation that contribute to their economic advantage. Discussions cover how such policies impact income inequality, social welfare programs, and the overall economy. Irresponsible Usage of Chemicals: This part of the program examines the consequences of using chemicals irresponsibly in both the economy and the environment. It includes discussions about pollution, health hazards, ecological damage, and regulatory frameworks governing the use of chemicals in various industries. Corporate welfare is a phrase used to describe a government's bestowal of money grants, tax breaks, or other special favorable treatment for corporations. The definition of corporate welfare is sometimes restricted to direct government subsidies of major corporations, excluding tax loopholes and all manner of regulatory and trade decisions. Origin of term The term "corporate welfare" was reportedly coined in 1956 by Ralph Nader.[1][2] Alternative adages "Socialism for the rich, capitalism for the poor" Main article: Socialism for the rich and capitalism for the poor Believed to have been first popularised by Michael Harrington's 1962 book The Other America[3][4] in which Harrington cited Charles Abrams,[5] a noted authority on housing. Variations on this adage have been used in criticisms of the United States' economic policy by Joe Biden,[6] Martin Luther King Jr.,[7][8] Gore Vidal,[9][10][11] Joseph P. Kennedy II,[12] Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.,[13] Dean Baker,[14] Noam Chomsky,[15] Robert Reich,[16] John Pilger,[17] Bernie Sanders,[18] and Yanis Varoufakis.[19] "Privatizing profits and socializing losses" "Privatizing profits and socializing losses" refers to the idea that corporations want to reserve financial gains for themselves and pass along losses to the rest of society, potentially through lobbying the government for assistance. This practice was criticized in the Wall Street bailout of 2008.[20] By country United States Transfer payments to (persons) as a percent of Federal revenue in the United States Transfer payments to (persons + business) in the United States Background Subsidies considered excessive, unwarranted, wasteful, unfair, inefficient, or bought by lobbying are often called corporate welfare.[21] The label of corporate welfare is often used to decry projects advertised as benefiting the general welfare that spend a disproportionate amount of funds on large corporations, and often in uncompetitive, or anti-competitive ways. For instance, in the United States, agricultural subsidies are usually portrayed as helping independent farmers stay afloat. In actuality, the majority of income gained from commodity support programs has gone to large agribusiness corporations such as Archer Daniels Midland, as they own a considerably larger percentage of production.[22] Alan Peters and Peter Fisher, Associate Professors at the University of Iowa,[23] have estimated that state and local governments provide $40–50 billion annually in economic development incentives,[24] which critics characterize as corporate welfare.[25] Multiple economists have considered the 2008 bank bailouts in the United States to be a form of corporate welfare.[26][27] U.S. politicians have also contended that zero-interest loans from the Federal Reserve System to financial institutions during and after the financial crisis of 2007–2008 were a hidden, backdoor form of corporate welfare.[28] The term gained increased prominence in 2018 when Senator Bernie Sanders introduced a bill, singling out Amazon and Walmart in particular, to require a company with 500 or more employees to pay the full cost of welfare benefits received by its workers.[29][30][31][32] Comprehensive analyses Independent Daniel D. Huff, professor emeritus of social work at Boise State University, published a comprehensive analysis of corporate welfare in 1993.[33] Huff reasoned that a very conservative estimate of corporate welfare expenditures in the United States would have been at least US$170 billion in 1990.[33] Huff compared this number with social welfare: In 1990 the federal government spent 4.7 billion dollars on all forms of international aid. Pollution control programs received 4.8 billion dollars of federal assistance while both secondary and elementary education were allotted only 8.4 billion dollars. More to the point, while more than 170 billion dollars is expended on assorted varieties of corporate welfare the federal government spends 11 billion dollars on Aid for Dependent Children. The most expensive means tested welfare program, Medicaid, costs the federal government 30 billion dollars a year or about half of the amount corporations receive each year through assorted tax breaks. S.S.I., the federal program for the disabled, receives 13 billion dollars while American businesses are given 17 billion in direct federal aid.[33] Huff argued that deliberate obfuscation was a complicating factor.[33] Good Jobs First has a Subsidy Tracker database. United Kingdom In 2015, Kevin Farnsworth, a senior lecturer in Social Policy at the University of York published a paper in which he claimed that the government was providing corporate subsidies of £93 billion.[34][35] This amount includes the role of the government in increasing trade, tax relief for businesses that invest in new plants and machinery (estimated by Farnsworth at £20 billion), not charging fuel duty on fuel used by railways or airlines, green energy subsidies, a lower corporation tax rate for small companies, regional development grants and government procurement for businesses (which Farnsworth suggests often favours British businesses even when these are not the best value option available).[34] However, The Register wrote that Farnsworth's figure for tax relief for investment was incorrect and that he had made mistakes in his calculations, noting that he was not an accountant. It also stated that not charging businesses taxes under certain circumstances (when the reliefs applied) was not the same as giving them a subsidy.[36] Fuel duty is not charged on airlines due to the Convention on International Civil Aviation[37] (a UN agency) which specifies that aeroplanes should be exempt from fuel duties.[38] Political discussion In 2015, Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn said he would "strip out" the £93bn of "corporate tax relief and subsidies" Farnsworth referred to and use the proceeds for public investment.[39] Corbyn did not say which specific policies he would change. The Guardian wrote the policy "sounds wonderful, but careful scrutiny of 'corporate welfare' shows that it includes capital allowances designed to persuade companies to invest, regional aid to boost growth in rundown parts of the UK, and subsidies to keep bus and rail routes open – none of which Corbyn would presumably like to see stopped."[40] Canada The New Democratic Party in Canada picked up the term as a major theme in its 1972 federal election campaign. Its leader, David Lewis, used the term in the title of his 1972 book, Louder Voices: The Corporate Welfare Bums.[41] The Reform Party and its successor the Canadian Alliance were known for opposing most business subsidies, but after their merger with the Progressive Conservative party, they dropped their opposition.[42] India It was observed by The Wire that the effective tax rate was low for the larger corporations which meant companies making smaller profits are competing in an unequal environment against bigger companies with substantial taxation benefits, with the gap in effective tax rates widening over the years.[43] Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi criticised this practice, saying: "Why is it that subsidies going to the well-off are portrayed in a positive manner? Let me give you an example. The total revenue loss from incentives to corporate tax payers was over Rs 62,000 crore... I must confess I am surprised by the way words are used by experts on this matter. When a benefit is given to farmers or to the poor, experts and government officers normally call it a subsidy. However, I find that if a benefit is given to industry or commerce, it is usually an 'incentive' or a 'subvention'."[44] See also Crony capitalism Corporatocracy Fossil fuel subsidies Kleptocracy Political corruption Pork barrel Public choice theory Regulatory capture References Ralph Nader on Corporations, OnTheIssues, retrieved September 3, 2014 Chapman, Roger (2010). Culture Wars: An Encyclopedia of Issues, Viewpoints, and Voices. M.E. Sharpe. pp. 119. ISBN 9780765617613. Harrington 1962, p.170, quote: "socialism for the rich and private enterprise for the poor" Engvall, Robert P. (June 1996). "The connections between poverty discourse and educational reform: When did 'Reform' become synonymous with inattention?". The Urban Review. 28 (2): 141–163. doi:10.1007/BF02354382. S2CID 143156198. Michael Harrington (1962) The Other America, p.58, quote: This is yet another case of "socialism for the rich and free enterprise for the poor," as described by Charles Abrams in the housing field Stein, Sam (March 18, 2010). "Biden On The Bailout: 'Socialism For The Rich And Capitalism For The Poor'". The Huffington Post. Retrieved April 13, 2018. "Pointing to the hundreds of billions of government dollars that have been spent to keep banks from failing, he recalled a "great expression" of his grandfather, Ambrose Finnegan: "It's socialism for the rich and capitalism for the poor,"" Biden said." Dyson, Michael Eric (January 18, 1993). "Opinion | King's Light, Malcolm's Shadow". The New York Times. Jackson, Thomas F. (2007). From Civil Rights to Human Rights: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Struggle for Economic Justice. p. 332. ISBN 9780812239690 – via Google Books. Vidal, Gore (1969). Reflections Upon a Sinking Ship. Little, Brown. ISBN 9780434829576. Gore Vidal: Imperial America, September 1, 2004 "'Free enterprise for the poor, socialism for the rich': Vidal's claim gains leverage". irishtimes.com. September 20, 2008. Archived from the original on October 19, 2012. Retrieved March 10, 2014. Kennedy: U.S. oil companies profit; Citgo helps the poor Archived February 27, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, MetroWest Daily News, January 24, 2007 Mark Jacobson: American Jeremiad, New York Magazine, February 5, 2007, see page 4 Baker, Dean (2006). The Conservative Nanny State: How the Wealthy Use the Government to Stay Rich and Get Richer. Washington, D.C.: Center for Economic and Policy Research. ISBN 978-1-4116-9395-1. Reviewed in: Scott Piatkowski: Socialism for the rich Archived February 4, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, rabble.ca, May 25, 2006 Noam Chomsky, "The Passion for Free Markets", Z Magazine, May 1997. Reproduced on Chomsky's official site Archived September 23, 2015, at the Wayback Machine. Interview with Jon Stewart, The Daily Show, October 16, 2008: Available at The Daily Show Site Full transcript of the John Pilger speech at the Sydney Opera House to mark his award of Australia's human rights prize, the Sydney Peace Prize: "ITV - John Pilger - Breaking the great Australian silence". Archived from the original on October 14, 2010. Retrieved March 10, 2014. "Sen. Sanders Held a Tax Cut Filibuster | C-SPAN". January 18, 2014. Archived from the original on January 18, 2014. Retrieved December 12, 2015. Daniel, Will (August 2, 2022). "This hipster economics professor turned rebel Greek finance minister says corporations are experiencing 'lavish socialism' while workers face 'harsh austerity.' Inflation is just the latest twist in the saga". Fortune. Retrieved August 5, 2022. "Governments were cutting public expenditure, jobs, and services. It was nothing short of lavish socialism for capital and harsh austerity for labor. Wages shrunk, and prices and profits were stagnant, but the price of assets purchased by the rich (and thus their wealth) skyrocketed. Thus…capitalists became both richer and more reliant on central-bank money than ever." Staff, Investopedia (April 15, 2012). "Privatizing Profits And Socializing Losses". investopedia.com. Kristof, Nicholas (March 27, 2014). "A Nation of Takers?". The New York Times. Retrieved March 27, 2014. "USDA: American Farms". United States Department of Agriculture. Archived from the original on February 10, 2007. Fisher, Peter S.; Peters, Alan H. (March–April 1997). Tax and Spending Incentives and Enterprise Zones (PDF). New England Economic Review. Boston: Boston Fed. pp. 109–137. Fisher, Peter; Peters, Alan (March 2004). "The Failures of Economic Development Incentives" (PDF). Journal of the American Planning Association. 70 (1): 27–37. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.661.6308. doi:10.1080/01944360408976336. Retrieved April 13, 2018. Reutter, Mark (July 13, 2011). "Tax breaks for developers – economic development or corporate welfare?". Baltimore Brew. Retrieved November 3, 2019. Stiglitz, Joseph (December 8, 2010). "US could cut deficit and gain, but that's unlikely". Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved December 22, 2010. Folbre, Nancy (April 20, 2009). "Welfare for Bankers". The New York Times. Schroeder, Peter (December 1, 2010). "Sanders uses 'jaw-dropping' Fed disclosures to call for further inquiry". The Hill. Retrieved December 15, 2010. Robertson, Adi (September 5, 2018). "Bernie Sanders introduces "Stop BEZOS" bill to tax Amazon for underpaying workers". The Verge. Retrieved September 14, 2018. Gibson, Kate (September 5, 2018). "Bernie Sanders targets Amazon, Walmart with 100% tax". CBS. Retrieved September 14, 2018. Stewart, Emily (September 5, 2018). "Bernie Sanders's BEZOS bill takes aim at how Amazon pays workers". Vox. Retrieved September 14, 2018. Delaney, Arthur; Jamieson, Dave (September 5, 2018). "What the Bernie Sanders Amazon welfare fight is really about". HuffPost. Huff, Daniel D.; David A. Johnson (May 1993). "Phantom Welfare: Public Relief for Corporate America". Social Work. 38 (3): 311–316. doi:10.1093/sw/38.3.311. Archived from the original on May 9, 2013. Retrieved November 6, 2012. "The British Corporate Welfare State: Public Provision for Private Businesses" (PDF). November 7, 2022. "The £93bn handshake: businesses pocket huge subsidies and tax breaks". "Taxpayers are NOT giving businesses £93bn". The Register. "Convention on International Civil Aviation". "Does the government subsidise airlines by £10 billion?". January 24, 2012. Grice, Andrew (August 3, 2015). "Jeremy Corbyn allies accuse Chris Leslie of deliberately misrepresenting Labour frontrunner's economic policies". The Independent. London. Elliott, Larry (August 20, 2015). "Jeremy Corbyn has the vision, but his numbers don't yet add up". The Guardian. Lewis, David (1972). Louder voices: the corporate welfare bums. Toronto: James Lewis & Samuel. ISBN 9780888620316. Milke, Mark (January 14, 2010). A Nation of Serfs: How Canada's Political Culture Corrupts Canadian Values. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 9780470675175. "Why 52,911 Profitable Indian Companies Pay 0% Tax". The Wire. Retrieved March 25, 2018. "Modi calls for targeted subsidies, questions corporate tax breaks". Hindustan Times. January 30, 2016. Retrieved March 25, 2018. Further reading Johnston, David Cay. Free Lunch (The Penguin Group, New York, 2007.) Jansson, Bruce S. The $16 trillion mistake: How the U.S. bungled its national priorities from the New Deal to the present (Columbia University Press, 2001) Mandell, Nikki. The corporation as family : the gendering of corporate welfare, 1890-1930 (University of North Carolina Press, 2002). Glasberg, Davita Silfen. Corporate welfare policy and the welfare state: Bank deregulation and the savings and loan bailout (Aldine de Gruyter, NY, 1997). Whitfield, Dexter. Public services or corporate welfare: Rethinking the nation state in the global economy (Pluto Press, Sterling, Va., 2001.) Folsom Jr, Burton W. The Myth of the Robber Barons (Young America) Rothbard, Murray N. Making Economic Sense, Chapter 51: Making Government-Business Partnerships ISBN 0-945466-18-8 (1995) External links Wikiquote has quotations related to Corporate welfare. Anti-subsidy Congressional testimony Articles & sources from an anti-subsidy perspective Anti-subsidy information from NewRules.org A corporate welfare example from N.Y. A pro-subsidy perspective Interview with Samuel Edward Konkin III - 3 types of capitalists, categorizes State support of businesses as dangerous Categories: Business terms Fiscal policy Political terminology of the United States Politics by issue Ralph Nader Subsidies Welfare

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The video titled "THE TERRORISM SYNDROME," recorded in May 1986, features a compelling discussion led by John Stockwell, a former CIA official, diving deep into the complex and controversial phenomenon of terrorism within a broader context. The conversation notably examines the Reagan administration's bombing attack on Libya, offering insights from alternative sources that challenge and cast doubt on the claims made by the Reaganites during that time. Throughout the discussion, there is a keen exploration of the pervasive nature of terrorism, both overt and covert, that is supported by the United States globally. The conversation sheds light on the extensive scope and brutality of US-backed terrorism across various regions, highlighting the significant implications and consequences of such actions. This discourse aims to unravel the complexities surrounding terrorism and its multifaceted manifestations within the geopolitical landscape of the era. The United States Air Force, Navy, and Marine Corps carried out air strikes, code-named Operation El Dorado Canyon, against Libya on 15 April 1986 in retaliation for the West Berlin discotheque bombing ten days earlier, which U.S. President Ronald Reagan blamed on Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi. There were 40 reported Libyan casualties; one U.S. plane was shot down. One of the claimed Libyan deaths was of a baby girl, reported to be Gaddafi's daughter, Hana Gaddafi.[5] However, there are doubts as to whether she was really killed, or whether she truly existed.[6] Origins President Reagan consults bipartisan Congressional leaders about the strike. Libya represented a high priority for President Ronald Reagan shortly after his 1981 inauguration. Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi was firmly anti-Israel and had supported violent organizations in the Palestinian territories and Syria. There were reports that Libya was attempting to become a nuclear power[7][8] and Gaddafi's occupation of Chad, which was rich in uranium, was of major concern to the United States. Gaddafi's ambitions to set up a federation of Arab and Muslim states in North Africa were alarming to U.S. interests. Furthermore, then-U.S. Secretary of State Alexander Haig wanted to take proactive measures against Gaddafi because he had been using former Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) operatives to help set up terrorist camps (most notably Edwin P. Wilson and Frank E. Terpil).[9] After the December 1985 Rome and Vienna airport attacks, which killed 19 and wounded approximately 140, Gaddafi indicated that he would continue to support the Red Army Faction, the Red Brigades, and the Irish Republican Army as long as the European governments supported anti-Gaddafi Libyans.[10] After years of occasional skirmishes with Libya over Libyan territorial claims to the Gulf of Sidra, the United States contemplated a military attack to strike targets within the Libyan mainland. In March 1986, the United States, asserting the 12-nautical-mile (22 km; 14 mi) limit to territorial waters according to international law, sent a carrier task force to the region. Libya responded with aggressive counter-maneuvers on 24 March that led to a naval engagement in the Gulf of Sidra. On 5 April 1986, alleged Libyan agents bombed "La Belle" nightclub in West Berlin, killing three people, including two U.S. servicemen and a Turkish woman,[11][12] and injuring 229 people, including 79 Americans.[13] West Germany and the United States obtained cable transcripts from Libyan agents in East Germany who were involved in the attack. More detailed information was retrieved years later when Stasi archives were investigated by the reunited Germany. Libyan agents who had carried out the operation from the Libyan embassy in East Germany were identified and prosecuted by Germany in the 1990s.[13] Preparations President of the United States Ronald Reagan in a briefing with US National Security Council staff on Operation El Dorado Canyon. The attack mission against Libya had been preceded in October 1985 by an exercise in which the 20th TFW stationed at RAF Upper Heyford airbase in the UK, which was equipped with F-111E Aardvarks, received a top-secret order to launch a simulated attack mission on 18 October, with ten F-111Es armed with eight 500-lb practice bombs, against a simulated airfield located in Labrador, Canada south of CFB Goose Bay. The mission was designated Operation Ghost Rider. The mission was a full rehearsal for a long-range strike against Libya. The mission was completed successfully, with the exception of one aircraft that had all but one of its eight bombs hang up on one of its wing racks. The lessons learned were passed on to the 48th TFW which was equipped with the newer F-111F model.[14] Elements of the then-secret 4450th Tactical Group (USAF) were put on standby to fly the strike mission against Libya. Over 30 F-117 Nighthawk stealth attack aircraft had already been delivered to Tactical Air Command (USAF) and were operating from Tonopah Test Range Airport in Nevada. European Command senior officers knew nothing about the stealth capabilities of the F-117, or that the aircraft even existed. Within an hour of the planned launch of the F-117s, Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger scrubbed the stealth mission, fearing a compromise of the secret aircraft and its development program. The air strike was carried out with conventional U.S. Navy and USAF aircraft. The F-117 would remain completely unknown to the world for several more months, before being unveiled in 1988 and featured prominently in media coverage of Operation Desert Storm. For the Libyan raid, the United States was denied overflight rights by France, Spain, and Italy as well as the use of European continental bases, forcing the USAF portion of the operation to be flown around France and Spain, over Portugal and through the Straits of Gibraltar, adding 1,300 miles (2,100 km) each way and requiring multiple aerial refuelings.[15][16] The French refusal alone added 2,800 km.[17] French President François Mitterrand refused overflight clearance because the United States was interested in limited action in Libya while France was more interested in major action that would remove Gaddafi from power.[17] Another factor in the French decision was the United States' last-minute failure to participate in a retaliatory air raid on Iranian positions after the 1983 Beirut barracks bombings.[18] Targets Ground crew prepares a 48th Tactical Fighter Wing F-111F aircraft for an air strike on Libya After several unproductive days of meetings with European and Arab nations, and influenced by an American serviceman's death, Ronald Reagan, on 14 April, ordered an air raid on the following Libyan targets:[19] Bab al-Azizia Barracks in Tripoli – Gaddafi's command and control center for overseas operations Murrat Sidi Bilal in Tripoli – a training camp for naval commandos and combat frogmen Mitiga International Airport – used by Ilyushin Il-76 transport aircraft Jamahiriyah Guard barracks in Benghazi – an alternative command and control headquarters for overseas operations, and which contained a warehouse for storage of MiG aircraft components Benina International Airport – used as a base by defending fighters Strike force An F-14A Tomcat launched from the USS America (CV-66) during Operation El Dorado Canyon Among operational United States tactical aircraft, only the General Dynamics F-111 and the A-6 Intruder possessed the ability to attack at night with the required precision. Although the F-111s would be required to fly from distant bases, they were essential to mission success, because the eighteen A-6 available aboard USS Coral Sea (CV-43) and USS America (CV-66) could not carry enough bombs to simultaneously inflict the desired damage on the five targets selected.[19] United States Air Force Twenty-eight McDonnell Douglas KC-10 Extenders and Boeing KC-135 Stratotankers took off from RAF Mildenhall and RAF Fairford shortly after 19:00[note 1] on 14 April. These tankers would conduct four silent refueling operations over the 6,000 mi (9,700 km) round-trip route the F-111s would fly to target. Within minutes the tankers were followed by twenty-four F-111F strike aircraft of the 48th Tactical Fighter Wing, flying from RAF Lakenheath and five EF-111A Ravens of the 20th Tactical Fighter Wing from RAF Upper Heyford. Six F-111s and one EF-111 were designated spares who returned to base after the first refueling was completed without any system failures among the designated strike aircraft.[19] United States Navy America was on station in the Gulf of Sidra, but Coral Sea was preparing to leave the Mediterranean, and made a high speed run from Naples through the Strait of Messina. America's air group would strike targets in downtown Benghazi and provide fighter and suppression support for the USAF bombers, while Coral Sea's planes would strike the Benina airfield outside Benghazi and provide fighter and suppression support for the Navy bombers.[20] About 01:00[note 1] America launched six A-6E TRAM Intruder strike aircraft with Mark 82 bombs against the Jamahiriyah Guard barracks and six A-7 Corsair strike support aircraft. Coral Sea, operating east of America simultaneously launched eight A-6E TRAM Intruders and six F/A-18A Hornets. Additional fighters were launched for combat air patrol (CAP).[19] The raid Ilyushin Il-76 targeted by the bombing The raid began in the early hours of 15 April, with the stated objectives of sending a message and reducing Libya's ability to support and train terrorists. Shortly after the raid Reagan warned "Today, we have done what we had to do. If necessary, we shall do it again."[21] Coordinated jamming by the EF-111s and EA-6B Prowlers began at 01:54 (Libyan time)[note 1] as the A-7Es and F/A-18As began launching AGM-88 HARM and AGM-45 Shrike missiles for suppression of enemy air defenses (SEAD).[19] The attack began at 0200 hours (Libyan time),[22] and lasted about twelve minutes, with 60 tons of munitions dropped.[23] The F-111 bombers' rules of engagement required target identification by both radar and Pave Tack prior to bomb release to minimize collateral damage. Of the nine F-111s targeting Bab al-Azizia, only three placed their GBU-10 Paveway II bombs on target.[19] One F-111 was shot down by a Libyan SAM over the Gulf of Sidra[22] and one F-111's bombs missed the barracks,[19] striking diplomatic and civilian sites in Tripoli, and narrowly missing the French embassy.[24] All three F-111s assigned to Sidi Bilal released their GBU-10 bombs on target. One of the six F-111s assigned to bomb the Tripoli airfield aborted its mission with a terrain-following radar malfunction, but the remaining five dropped BSU-49 high drag bombs destroying two Il-76 transport aircraft. America's A-6s damaged the Jamahiriyah MiG assembly warehouse and destroyed four MiG shipping crates. Two A-6s from Coral Sea aborted their mission, but five A-6s with CBU-59 APAM cluster bombs and one with Mk 82 bombs struck Benina airfield destroying three or four MiGs, two Mil Mi-8 helicopters, one Fokker F27 Friendship transport, and one small straight-wing aircraft.[19] A Boeing 727 was also reportedly destroyed during the Benina strike.[25] Some Libyan soldiers, reportedly, abandoned their positions in fright and confusion, and officers were slow to give orders.[26] Libyan anti-aircraft fire did not begin until after the planes had passed over their targets.[23][27][28] No Libyan fighters launched,[20] and HARM launches and jamming prevented any of the 2K12 Kub (SA-6), S-75 Dvina (SA-2), S-125 Neva/Pechora (SA-3), or Crotale SAM[19] launches from homing.[20] One SA-6 however was able to track onto an A-6 from VA-34 during the strike on the Jamahiriyah barracks but was evaded successfully.[25] Within twelve minutes, all United States aircraft were "feet wet" outbound over the Mediterranean. Navy strike aircraft had been recovered aboard their carriers by 02:53 (Libyan time)[note 1] and surviving USAF planes, with the exception of one F-111, which landed in Naval Station Rota, Spain, with an overheated engine, had returned to Britain by 10:10 (Libyan time).[note 1][19] Although the bombing operations were staged out of the UK, Akrotiri was employed in the role of an alternate in case of emergency, and was used as such by at least one aircraft. This led to retaliatory action against the British base. U.S. forces and targets Operation results[29][25] Target Planned Actual Aircraft Bombing Aircraft Hit Miss Bab al-Azizia barracks 9× F-111F 36× GBU-10 2,000 lb (910 kg) LGB 3× bombed 1× missed 4× aborts 1× lost 13 3 Murat Sidi Bilal camp 3× F-111F 12× GBU-10 2,000 lb LGB all bombed 12 – Tripoli airfield (fmr. Wheelus Air Base) 6× F-111F 72× Mk 82 500 lb (230 kg) RDB 5× bombed 1× abort 60 – Jamahiriyah (Benghazi) barracks 7× A-6E TRAM VA-34 84× Mk 82 500 lb RDB 6× bombed 1× abort on deck 70 2 Benina airfield 8× A-6E TRAM VA-55 72× Mk 20 500 lb CBU 24× Mk 82 500 lb RDB 6× bombed 2× aborts 60× Mk 20 12× Mk 82 – Air defense networks Tripoli 6× A-7E 8× Shrike 16× HARM all aircraft fired 8× Shrike 16× HARM Benghazi 24× F/A-18A VFA-131, VFA-132 VMFA-314, VMFA-323 20× HARM all aircraft fired 20× HARM Totals 45 aircraft 300 bombs 48 missiles 35 bombed 1 missed 1 lost 8 aborts 227 hits 5 misses 48 homing missiles Support Aircraft Air defense networks Tripoli 5x EF-111A ALQ-99 1× partial abort[25] – – 1x EA-6B VMAQ-2 ALQ-99 None – – Benghazi 3x EA-6B (2x VAQ-135/1x VMAQ-2) ALQ-99 None – – 3x EA-3B VQ-2 EW/AAR None – – Early Warning – 2x E-2C VAW-123 None – – 2x E-2C VAW-127 None – – Libyan air defenses The Libyan air defense network was extensive, and included: 4 Long range S-200 Vega (SA-5 Gammon) anti-aircraft missile units with 24 launchers. 86 S-75 Volkhov (SA-2 Guideline) and S-125 Neva (SA-3 Goa) anti-aircraft missile units with 276 launchers. Covering Tripoli alone were: 7 S-75 Volkhov (SA-2 Guideline) anti-aircraft missile units with 6 missiles launchers per unit giving 42 launchers. 12 S-125 Neva (SA-3 Goa) anti-aircraft missile units with 4 missiles launchers per unit giving 48 launchers. 3 2K12 Kub (SA-6 Gainful) anti-aircraft missile units with 48 launchers. 1 9K33M2 Osa-AK (SA-8 Geko) anti-aircraft regiment with 16 launch vehicles. 2 Crotale II anti-aircraft units with 60 launch pads. Casualties Libyan Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi and his family rushed out of their residence in the Bab al-Azizia compound moments before the bombs dropped, forewarned by a telephone call from Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici, Malta's Prime Minister. Bonnici had been made aware of the presence of the American strike force by Prime Minister Bettino Craxi of Italy; the latter nation had detected the then-unidentified aircraft off the West coast of Sicily and scrambled a flight of F-104 Starfighters to intercept it, discovering the strike force's presence and being warned away by pilots with obvious American accents.[30] According to medical staff in a nearby hospital, two dozen casualties were brought in wearing military uniforms, and two without uniforms. Total Libyan casualties were estimated at 60, including those at the bombed airbases. An infant girl was among the casualties; her body was shown to American reporters, who were told she was Gaddafi's recently adopted daughter Hana. However, there was and remains much skepticism over the claim.[31][32] She may not have died; the adoption may have been posthumous; or he may have adopted a second daughter and given her the same name after the first one died.[33][34][35][36] American Two U.S. Air Force captains—Fernando L. Ribas-Dominicci and Paul F. Lorence—were killed when their F-111 fighter-bomber (callsign Karma-52) was shot down[37][38] over the Gulf of Sidra. In the hours following the attack, the U.S. military refused to speculate as to whether or not the fighter-bomber had been shot down, with Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger suggesting that it could have experienced radio trouble or been diverted to another airfield.[39] The next day, the Pentagon had announced it was no longer searching for the F-111 believed to be downed by a Libyan missile.[40] On 25 December 1988, Gaddafi offered to release the body of Lorence to his family through Pope John Paul II. The body, returned in 1989, was identified as Ribas-Dominicci's from dental records. An autopsy conducted in Spain confirmed that he had drowned after his plane was shot down over the Gulf of Sidra. Libya denies that it held Lorence's body. However, Lorence's brother said that he and his mother saw television footage of a Libyan holding a white helmet with the name "Lorence" stenciled on the back.[41] Furthermore, William C. Chasey, who toured the Bab al-Azizia barracks, claimed to have seen two flight suits and helmets engraved with the names "Lorence" and "Ribas-Dominicci", as well as the wreckage of their F-111.[42] Gaddafi declared that the raid was a Libyan victory and stated that three American planes had been shot down, but Karma-52 was the only one that failed to return to base.[2] Aftermath In Libya Gaddafi's announcements Gaddafi announced that he had "won a spectacular military victory over the United States" and the country was officially renamed the "Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriyah".[43] Gaddafi said reconciliation between Libya and the United States was impossible so long as Reagan was in the White House; of the president he said, "He is mad. He is foolish. He is an Israeli dog." He said he had no plans to attack the United States or U.S. targets. He claimed that Reagan wanted to kill him, stating "Was Reagan trying to kill me? Of course. The attack was concentrated on my house and I was in my house", he also described how he rescued his family.[44] When asked that if he is in danger of losing power, he told "Really, these reports and writings are not true. As you can see I am fine, and there has been no change in our country."[44] Other events The Government of Libya said that the United States had fallen prey to arrogance and madness of power and wanted to become the world's policeman. It charged that any party that did not agree to become an American vassal was an outlaw, a terrorist, and a devil.[45] Gaddafi quashed an internal revolt, the organization of which he blamed on the United States, although Gaddafi appeared to have left the public sphere for a time in 1986 and 1987.[citation needed] The Libyan Post dedicated several postage stamps issues to the event, from 1986 until 2001. The first issue was released in 1986, 13 July (ref. Scott catalogue n.1311 – Michel catalogue n.1699). The last issue was released in 2001, 15 April (ref. Scott catalogue n.1653 – Michel catalogue n.2748–2763).[46] Libyan retaliation Immediate Libya responded by firing two Scud missiles at a United States Coast Guard station on the Italian island of Lampedusa which fell short of the island and landed in the sea.[47][48] Later Libyan-connected terrorism There was only limited change in Libyan-connected terrorism.[43] The Libyan government was alleged to have ordered the hijacking of Pan Am Flight 73 in Pakistan on 5 September 1986, which resulted in the deaths of 20 people. The allegation did not come to light until it was reported by The Sunday Times in March 2004—days after British Prime Minister Tony Blair paid the first official visit to Tripoli by a Western leader in a generation.[49] In October 1986, Gaddafi financed Jeff Fort's Al-Rukn faction of the Chicago Black P. Stones gang, in their emergence as an indigenous anti-American armed revolutionary movement.[50] Al-Rukn members were arrested for preparing strikes on behalf of Libya, including blowing up US government buildings and bringing down an airplane; the Al-Rukn defendants were convicted in 1987 of "offering to commit bombings and assassinations on US soil for Libyan payment."[50] In May 1987, Australia expelled diplomats and broke off relations with Libya, claiming Libya sought to fuel violence in Australia and Oceania.[51][52] In late 1987 French authorities stopped a merchant vessel, the MV Eksund, which was attempting to deliver 150 tons of Soviet arms from Libya to the Irish Republican Army (IRA),[53][54] partly in retaliation against the British for harboring American fighter planes.[55] In Beirut, Lebanon, two British hostages held by the Libyan-supported Abu Nidal Organization, Leigh Douglas and Philip Padfield, along with an American named Peter Kilburn, were shot dead in revenge. In addition, journalist John McCarthy was kidnapped, and tourist Paul Appleby was murdered in Jerusalem. Another British hostage named Alec Collett was also killed in retaliation for the bombing of Libya. Collett was shown being hanged in a video tape. His body was found in November 2009.[56] On 21 December 1988 Libya bombed Pan Am Flight 103, which exploded in mid-air and crashed on the town of Lockerbie in Scotland after a bomb detonated, killing all 259 people aboard, and 11 people in Lockerbie. Iran was initially thought to have been responsible for the bombing in revenge for the downing of Iran Air flight 655 by the American missile cruiser USS Vincennes over the Persian Gulf, but in 1991 two Libyans were charged, one of whom was convicted of the crime in a controversial judgement[57] on 31 January 2001. The Libyan Government accepted responsibility for the Pan Am Flight 103 bombing on 29 May 2002, and offered $2.7 billion to compensate the families of the 270 victims.[58] The convicted Libyan, Abdelbaset al-Megrahi, who was suffering from terminal prostate cancer, was released in August 2009 by the Scottish Government on compassionate grounds. He died in 2012. In May 2014 a group of relatives of the Lockerbie victims continued to campaign for al-Megrahi's name to be cleared by reopening the case.[59] International response Immediate This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "1986 United States bombing of Libya" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (April 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) The attack was condemned by many countries. By a vote of 79 in favor to 28 against with 33 abstentions, the United Nations General Assembly adopted resolution 41/38, which "condemns the military attack perpetrated against the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya on 15 April 1986, which constitutes a violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law."[60] A meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement said that it condemned the "dastardly, blatant and unprovoked act of aggression". The League of Arab States expressed that it was outraged at the United States aggression and that it reinforced an element of anarchy in international relations. The Assembly of Heads of State of the African Union said that the deliberate attempt to kill Libyans violated the principles of international law. The Government of Iran asserted that the attack constituted a policy of aggression, gunboat diplomacy, an act of war, and called for an extensive political and economic boycott of the United States. Others saw the United States motive as an attempt to eliminate Libya's revolution.[45] China stated that the U.S. attack violated norms of international relations and had aggravated tension in the region. The Soviet Union said that there was a clear link between the attack and U.S. policy aimed at stirring up existing hotbeds of tension and creating new ones, and at destabilizing the international situation. West Germany stated that international disputes required diplomatic and not military solutions, and France also criticized the bombing.[citation needed] Some observers held the opinion that Article 51 of the UN Charter set limitations on the use of force in exercising the legitimate right of self-defense in the absence of an act of aggression, and affirmed that there was no such act by Libya. It was charged that the United States did not exhaust the Charter provisions for settling disputes under Article 33. The Wall Street Journal protested that if other nations applied Article 51 as cavalierly as the United States, then "the Nicaraguan government, very reasonably predicting that the U.S. is planning an attack on its territory, has the right to bomb Washington." British Shadow Foreign Secretary Denis Healey told ABC News that, "by this same rationale of defense against future attack, Britain could bomb apartment blocks in New York and Chicago on the ground that they contained people sending money and military supplies to the Irish Republican Army."[61] Others asserted that Libya was innocent in the bombing of the West Berlin discotheque.[62] The U.S. received support from the UK, Canada, Australia, Israel, and 25 other countries. Its doctrine of declaring a war on what it called "terrorist havens" was not repeated until 1998, when President Bill Clinton ordered strikes on six terrorist camps in Afghanistan. Margaret Thatcher's approval of the use of Royal Air Force bases[63] led to substantial public criticism, including an unprecedented story in The Sunday Times suggesting the Queen was upset by an "uncaring" Prime Minister. However, the Americans strongly endorsed Thatcher, and the long-standing Special Relationship between the United States and Britain was strengthened.[64][65] Although the Soviet Union was ostensibly friendly with Libya, it had, by the time of the Libya bombing, made its increasing ambivalence toward Libya apparent in public communications. Gaddafi had a history of verbally attacking the policy agendas and ideology of the Soviet Union, and he often engaged in various international interventions and meddling that conflicted with Soviet goals in a variety of spheres. During a period where the Soviet Union was apparently attempting to lead a subtle diplomatic effort that could impact its global status, close association with the whims of Gaddafi became a liability. In the entire crisis, the Soviet Union explicitly announced that it would not provide additional help to Libya beyond resupplying basic armaments and munitions. It made no attempt to militarily intimidate the United States, despite the ongoing American operations in the Gulf of Sidra and its previous knowledge that the United States might launch an attack. The Soviet Union did not completely ignore the event, issuing a denunciation of this 'wild' and 'barbaric' act by the United States. After the raid, Moscow did cancel a planned visit to the United States by foreign affairs minister Eduard Shevardnadze. At the same time, it clearly signaled that it did not want this action to affect negotiations about the upcoming summer summit between the United States and the Soviet Union and its plans for new arms control agreements. Former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark, acting for Libyan citizens who had been killed or injured in the bombing raid by the U.S. using British air bases, brought suit under international law against the United States and the United Kingdom in U.S. federal court. The lawsuit was dismissed as frivolous. A subsequent appeal was denied, and monetary sanctions against Clark were allowed. Saltany v. Reagan, 886 F. 2d 438 (D.C. Cir. 1989). UN response Every year, between at least 1994 and 2006, the United Nations General Assembly scheduled a declaration from the Organization of African Unity about the incident,[66] but systematically deferred the discussion year after year until formally putting it aside (along with several other issues which had been similarly rescheduled for years) in 2005.[67] First anniversary On the first anniversary of the bombing, April 1987, European and North American left-wing activists gathered to commemorate the anniversary. After a day of social and cultural networking with local Libyans, including a tour of Gaddafi's bombed house, the group gathered with other Libyans for a commemoration event.[68] 2009 comment In June 2009, during a visit to Italy, Gaddafi criticized American foreign policy and, asked as to the difference between al-Qaeda attacks and the 1986 U.S. bombing of Tripoli, he commented: "If al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden has no state and is an outlaw, America is a state with international rules."[69] Settlement of claims On 28 May 2008, the United States began negotiations with Libya on a comprehensive claims settlement agreement to resolve outstanding claims of American and Libyan nationals against each country in their respective courts. Gaddafi's son Saif al-Islam publicly announced that an agreement was being negotiated in July of that year.[70] On 14 August 2008, the resulting U.S.-Libya Comprehensive Claims Settlement Agreement was signed in Tripoli by Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Welch and by Libyan Secretary for American Affairs Ahmad Fituri.[71] In October 2008, Libya paid US$1.5 billion (in three installments of $300 million on 9 October 2008, $600 million on 30 October 2008, and US$600 million 31 October 2008) into a fund[72] used to compensate the following victims and their relatives: Lockerbie bombing victims, who were given an additional US$2 million each after having been paid US$8 million earlier;[72] American victims of the 1986 West Berlin discotheque bombing;[72] American victims of the 1989 UTA Flight 772 bombing;[72] and, Libyan victims of the 1986 U.S. bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi.[72] To pay the settlement, Libya demanded US$1.5 billion from global oil companies operating in Libya's oil fields, under threat of "serious consequences" to their leases. Libya's settlement was at least partially funded by several companies, including some based in the U.S., that chose to cooperate with Libya's demand.[73] On 4 August 2008, President George W. Bush signed into law the Libyan Claims Resolution Act,[74] which had unanimously passed Congress on 31 July. The Act provided for the restoration of Libya's sovereign, diplomatic, and official immunities before U.S. courts if the Secretary of State certified that the United States Government has received sufficient funds to resolve outstanding terrorism-related death and physical injury claims against Libya. On 14 August 2008, the United States and Libya signed a comprehensive claims settlement agreement.[75] Full diplomatic relations were restored between the two nations. In songs and books In 1986, hardcore punk band The Meatmen referred to the lack of French cooperation with the raid in their song 'French People Suck': "French people suck, I just gotta' say/made the jet fighter pilots fly out of their way." This song appears on the album Rock & Roll Juggernaut (Caroline Records). In 1987, Neil Young wrote "Mideast Vacation" a song from his live album, Life about the bombing. On Roger Waters's third studio album, Amused to Death the songs "Late Home Tonight, Part I" and "Late Home Tonight, Part II" recall the bombing from the perspective of two "ordinary wives' and a young American F-111 pilot. In Nelson DeMille's book The Lion's Game, published in 2000, there is a detailed but fictionalised description of the attack from the point of view of one of the book's main protagonists. See also flagUnited States portalflagLibya portaliconPolitics portalicon1980s portal Foreign policy of the Ronald Reagan administration#Libya 2011 military intervention in Libya Gulf of Sidra incident (1981), US–Libyan air engagement over territorial claim, two Libyan jets shot down Ouadi Doum air raid (February 1986) Action in the Gulf of Sidra (1986), Naval battle between Libyan and U.S. forces before the April bombing campaign Gulf of Sidra incident (1989), U.S.-Libyan air engagement over territorial claim, two Libyan jets shot down Pan Am Flight 103 (1988) Operation Odyssey Dawn (2011) List of modern conflicts in North Africa Explanatory notes Parks specifies times of events with the time in Washington DC where the attack was coordinated. Parks's times have been adjusted to reflect the time observed where the battle took place. Citations Martel, William C. Victory in War: Foundations of Modern Military Policy, p. 162. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Leone, Dario (14 April 2019). "The sad story of 'Karma 52', the only F-111 lost during Operation El Dorado Canyon". The Aviation Geek Club. Leone, Dario (21 September 2019). "The Libyan Scud Attack on Lampedusa and the Italian Retaliation against Gaddafi that never was". The Aviation Geek Club. Pollack, Kenneth M. Arabs at War: Military Effectiveness 1948–1991, University of Nebraska Press, 2002 Hilsum, Lindsey (2012). Sandstorm: Libya in the Time of Revolution. London: Faber and Faber. ISBN 978-0571288052. Walker, Peter (26 August 2011). "Gaddafi's daughter Hana: dead or a practising doctor?". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 7 June 2016. "Libya Has Trouble Building the Most Deadly Weapons". The Risk Report. 1 (10). December 1995. Archived from the original on 20 April 2013. "1968 to 1990: Program Beginnings". NTI. Hersh, Seymour M. (22 February 1987). "TARGET QADDAFI". The New York Times. St. John, Ronald Bruce (1 December 1992). "Libyan terrorism: the case against Gaddafi". Contemporary Review. [1] Bailey, Thomas; Kennedy, David; Cohen, Lizabeth (1998). The American Pageant (Eleventh ed.). Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company. p. 1000. ISBN 0-669-39728-8. Flashback: The Berlin disco bombing. BBC on 13 November 2001. Thompson, Warren (May 2010). "To the Bay and Back". Air Forces Monthly. Key Publishing. Overseas Basing of U.S. Military Forces: An Assessment of Relative Costs and Strategic Benefits. RAND Corporation. 15 April 2013. p. 103. ISBN 978-0833079176. Boyne, Walter. "El Dorado Canyon". Airforce-Magazine.com. Air Force Association. Archived from the original on 25 July 2009. Retrieved 28 July 2011. Bernstein, Richard (23 April 1986). "FRENCH SAY THEY FAVORED STRONGER ATTACK ON LIBYA". The New York Times. Retrieved 16 June 2015. Crist, David (19 July 2012). The Twilight War: The Secret History of America's Thirty-Year Conflict with Iran. Penguin. ISBN 978-0143123675. Parks, W. Hays (1986). "Crossing the Line". Proceedings. United States Naval Institute. 112 (11): 40–52. Stumpf, Robert E. (1986). "Air War with Libya". Proceedings. United States Naval Institute. 112 (8): 42–48. "1986 Year in Review: Strike on Qaddafi". UPI. Retrieved 28 October 2014. Jr, James E. Wise; Baron, Scott (14 April 2016). At the Helm of USS America: The Aircraft Carrier and Its 23 Commanders, 1965-1996. McFarland. pp. 143–144. ISBN 978-1-4766-1568-4. Samuels, Richard J. (2006). Encyclopedia of United States National Security. SAGE. p. 431. ISBN 978-0-7619-2927-7. Endicott, Judy G. (23 August 2012). Raid on Libya: Operation ELDORADO CANYON (PDF) (Report). U.S. Department of Defense. p. 153. Retrieved 17 September 2023. Cooper, Tom; Grandolini, Albert; Delalande, Arnaud (2016). Libyan Air Wars - Part 3 : 1986-1989. Helion & Company Limited. Metz, Helen Chapin; Library of Congress, Federal Research Division (1989). Libya : a country study. Washington, D.C.: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. p. 255. Retrieved 18 September 2023. Weinraub, Bernard (15 April 1986). "U.S. Jets Hit 'Terrorist Centers' in Libya; Reagan Warns of New Attacks If Needed". The New York Times. "Libya – Encounters with the United States". Country-data.com. Retrieved 7 June 2016. AIRPOWER VERSUS TERRORISM: THREE CASE STUDIES Archived 10 November 2006 at the Wayback Machine, Thesis, June 2003, p.20 Dario Leone (1 September 2019). "Italy's Prime Minister saved Gaddafi's Life by Warning of Operation El Dorado Canyon". Retrieved 5 March 2023. Kincaid, Cliff (22 February 2011). "NBC's Mitchell Regurgitates Gaddafi Lies". Accuracy in Media. Archived from the original on 12 August 2019. Retrieved 7 June 2016. Müller, Patrick (8 June 2011). "Gaddafis Kinder—Totgesagte leben länger" [Gaddafi's children—Declared dead]. Die Welt. Retrieved 7 June 2015. "Hana Gaddafi soll 1986 beim Angriff amerikanischer Bomber umgekommen sein. Tatsächlich wurde ihr Tod offenbar nur vorgetäuscht. Eine Spurensuche." "[Hana Gaddafi [was said to have been] killed in 1986, during the attack of American bombers. In fact, her death was obviously faked. A search for clues.]" English language translation of same article: "Hana Gaddafi, Libyan Leader's Presumed Dead Daughter, May Be Still Alive". The Huffington Post. 9 August 2011. Retrieved 7 June 2016. Walker, Peter (26 August 2011). "Gaddafi's daughter Hana: dead or a practising doctor?". The Guardian. Retrieved 7 June 2016. "[Subtitle:] "Some accounts say Hana Gaddafi died in a 1986 raid, others that she lived to become a doctor or never existed at all."" Shadid, Anthony (28 August 2011). "Enigmatic in Power, Qaddafi Is Elusive at Large". The New York Times. Retrieved 7 June 2016. Kirkup, James & Watt, Holly (12 August 2011). "Dental records for Hana Gaddafi reopen mystery of Libyan leader's daughter". The Telegraph. Retrieved 7 June 2016. "Files stored in a basement room in one of London's most expensive districts could shed new light on one of the greatest mysteries of Muammar Gaddafi's Libya: the alleged death of his baby daughter Hana." Telegraph Staff (12 August 2011). "Exclusive: Gaddafi's 'dead' daughter Hana alive and well in family video [Ali, Mohammed, videographer]". The Telegraph. Archived from the original (video, with text description) on 23 September 2011. Retrieved 7 June 2016. "The Telegraph has obtained the first video evidence that Hana, the adopted daughter that Col Gaddafi claimed had been killed in an American bombing raid in 1986, was alive years after the attack." The sad note is we have to assume the 2 missing men are dead. Evidence indicates their plane was shot down just off shore after dropping its bombs. Reagan Diaries Volume 2: November 1985 – January 1989, Ronald Reagan, Douglas Brinkley, p. 590, HarperCollins, 2010 Libya soon recovered the body of Captain Ribas-Dominicci but did not return it to the United States until 1989. An autopsy determined the cause of death to be drowning, not massive physical trauma ... the autopsy finding and the eyewitness accounts of several aviators who saw the explosion and the descent of the fireball to the sea support the conclusion that Karma-52 was shot down by a SAM or AAA. El Dorado Canyon, Joseph T. Stanik, p. 190, Naval Institute Press, 2003 "One plane missing after raid". The Evening Independent. 15 April 1986. Retrieved 28 October 2014. Walker, Tony (17 April 1986). "Air Raid Toll Comes Home to Gaddafi". The Age. Melbourne. Kay, Jennifer (29 April 2006). "Lost Over Libya". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 28 June 2009. Chasey, William C. – Pan Am 103: The Lockerbie Cover-Up (Chapter 18) Davis, Brian L. (1990). Qaddafi, terrorism, and the origins of the U.S. attack on Libya. New York: Praeger Publishers. p. 183. ISBN 0-275-93302-4. "Gadhafi: Reagan Tried To Kill Me". Sun Sentinel. Archived from the original on 28 October 2014. Retrieved 28 October 2014. "UN Chronicle, August 1986". Findarticles.com. Archived from the original on 11 July 2012. Retrieved 28 October 2014. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 28 June 2009. Retrieved 3 May 2009. Jr, E. J. Dionne (27 May 1986). "Italian isle, site of U.S. base, is fearful of Qaddafi's anger". The New York Times. Retrieved 17 September 2023. House, Jonathan M. (24 September 2020). A Military History of the Cold War, 1962–1991. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 344. ISBN 978-0-8061-6778-7. Swain, Jon (28 March 2004). "Revealed: Gaddafi's air massacre plot". The Times. London. Retrieved 26 April 2010. Bodansky, Yossef (1993). Target America & the West: Terrorism Today. New York: S.P.I. Books. pp. 301–303. ISBN 978-1-56171-269-4. The Middle East and North Africa 2003 (2002). Eur. p. 758 "A Rogue Returns". AIJAC. February 2003. Archived from the original on 1 March 2003. p. 441, The dirty war: covert strategies and tactics used in political conflicts. Dillon, Martin news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/8241393.stm Kelsey, Tim; Koenig, Peter (20 July 1994). "Libya will not arm IRA again, Gaddafi aide says". The Independent. London. Archived from the original on 25 March 2011. Retrieved 1 September 2011. "Body of Lost British Reporter Found in Lebanon". English.cri.cn. Archived from the original on 22 July 2012. Retrieved 7 June 2016. "UN monitor decries Lockerbie judgement". BBC. 14 March 2002. "Security Council lifts sanctions imposed on Libya after terrorist bombings of Pan Am Flight 103 and UTA Flight 772". "BBC News – Lockerbie bombing: Megrahi conviction review sought by families". BBC Online. 6 May 2014. Retrieved 10 May 2014. A/RES/41/38. United Nations. Cockburn, Alexander (17 April 1986). "Bombing Libya". The Wall Street Journal. United Nations Yearbook, 1986, Volume 40, Department of Public Information, United Nations, New York Morgan, Samuel T. (2023). "Using Process Tracing to Investigate Elite Experience Accrual: Explaining Margaret Thatcher's Support for US Air Strikes Against Libya". Political Research Quarterly. doi:10.1177/10659129231182404. ISSN 1065-9129. John Campbell (2011). The Iron Lady: Margaret Thatcher, from Grocer's Daughter to Prime Minister. Penguin Publishing Group. pp. 279–82. ISBN 978-1-101-55866-9. Charles Moore, Margaret Thatcher: At Her Zenith: In London, Washington and Moscow (2016) pp 513-18 "General Assembly Session 49 meeting 93". 20 December 1994. Archived from the original on 26 September 2007. "General Assembly Session 59 meeting 117". 12 September 2005. Archived from the original on 26 September 2007. US-Libya Relations / Bombing Anniversary Vanderbilt Television News Archive. "Students protest at Gaddafi visit". BBC News. 11 June 2009. Retrieved 2 January 2010. "Libya, Italy to sign compensation deal: Gaddafi son". Reuters. 24 July 2008. Archived from the original on 16 July 2011. Retrieved 25 February 2011. "Libya, US Sign Compensation Agreement". The Tripoli Post. 17 August 2008. Archived from the original on 17 July 2011. Retrieved 25 February 2011. "Libya compensates terror victims". BBC News. 31 October 2008. Retrieved 25 February 2011. Lichtblau, Eric; Rohde, David; Risen, James (24 March 2011). "Shady Dealings Helped Qaddafi Build Fortune and Regime". The New York Times. Retrieved 29 March 2011. Libyan Claims Resolution Act Archived 2 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine. The Library of Congress. U.S. Department of State, Significant Events in U.S.-Libyan Relations . 2 September 2008 Further reading Cogan, Charles G. "The response of the strong to the weak: The American raid on Libya, 1986". Intelligence and National Security 6#3 (1991): 608–620. Cohen, David B., and Chris J. Dolan. "Revisiting El Dorado Canyon: terrorism, the Reagan administration, and the 1986 bombing of Libya." White House Studies 5#2 (2005): 153–175. Fisher, Louis. "The law: military operations in Libya: no war? No hostilities?." Presidential Studies Quarterly 42.1 (2012): 176–189. online Laham, Nicholas. The American bombing of Libya: A study of the force of miscalculation in Reagan foreign policy (McFarland, 2007). Riegert, Kristina (2007). Politicotainment: Television's Take on the Real. Peter Lang. pp. 257–259. ISBN 9780820481142. Stanik, Joseph T. "America's First Strike Against Terrorism" Naval History 25#1 (2011): 24+ Stanik, Joseph T. (2003). El Dorado Canyon: Reagan's Undeclared War With Qaddafi. Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 1-55750-983-2. Ulfstein, Geir, and Hege Føsund Christiansen. "The legality of the NATO bombing in Libya." International & Comparative Law Quarterly 62.1 (2013): 159–171. online Venkus, Robert E. (1992). Raid on Qaddafi. New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-07073-X. Winkler, Carol. "Parallels in preemptive war rhetoric: Reagan on Libya; Bush 43 on Iraq." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 10.2 (2007): 303–334. online Zilian, Frederick, Jr. "The US Raid on Libya – and NATO", Orbis (Autumn 1986), pp. 499–519 Zimmermann, Tim. "The American bombing of Libya: A success for coercive diplomacy?." Survival 29#3 (1987): 195–214.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ In the culminating installment of the series, viewers are not only presented with a comprehensive overview but also offered actionable steps towards ending the scourge of war. Serving as a beacon for proactive engagement, this episode illuminates the endeavors of the Beyond War organization, showcasing its grassroots initiatives aimed at individual and community empowerment. Through education and organization, Beyond War is shown to be forging unconventional communication channels with global citizens and leaders, circumventing traditional governmental power structures. The program features poignant insights from influential figures such as Dwight Eisenhower, Douglas MacArthur, Olaf Palme, and Ramsey Clark, whose words and archival footage underscore the urgency and necessity of collective action. As the series draws to a close, viewers are encouraged to heed the call to action, contributing to the ongoing struggle for peace and solidarity on a global scale. Dwight David Eisenhower (/ˈaɪzənhaʊ.ər/ EYE-zən-how-ər; born David Dwight Eisenhower; October 14, 1890 – March 28, 1969), nicknamed Ike, was an American military officer and statesman who served as the 34th president of the United States from 1953 to 1961. During World War II, he was Supreme Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Force in Europe and achieved the five-star rank as General of the Army. Eisenhower planned and supervised two of the most consequential military campaigns of World War II: Operation Torch in the North Africa campaign in 1942–1943 and the invasion of Normandy in 1944. Eisenhower was born in Denison, Texas, and raised in Abilene, Kansas. His family had a strong religious background, and his mother became a Jehovah's Witness. Eisenhower, however, belonged to no organized church until 1952. He graduated from West Point in 1915 and later married Mamie Doud, with whom he had two sons. During World War I, he was denied a request to serve in Europe and instead commanded a unit that trained tank crews. Following the war, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general. In 1941, after the United States entered World War II, Eisenhower oversaw the invasions of North Africa and Sicily before supervising the invasions of France and Germany. After the war ended in Europe, he served as military governor of the American-occupied zone of Germany (1945), Army Chief of Staff (1945–1948), president of Columbia University (1948–1953), and as the first supreme commander of NATO (1951–1952). In 1952, Eisenhower entered the presidential race as a Republican to block the isolationist foreign policies of Senator Robert A. Taft, who opposed NATO. Eisenhower won that year's election and the 1956 election in landslides, both times defeating Adlai Stevenson II. Eisenhower's main goals in office were to contain the spread of communism and reduce federal deficits. In 1953, he considered using nuclear weapons to end the Korean War and may have threatened China with nuclear attack if an armistice was not reached quickly. China did agree and an armistice resulted, which remains in effect. His New Look policy of nuclear deterrence prioritized "inexpensive" nuclear weapons while reducing funding for expensive Army divisions. He continued Harry S. Truman's policy of recognizing Taiwan as the legitimate government of China, and he won congressional approval of the Formosa Resolution. His administration provided major aid to help the French fight off Vietnamese Communists in the First Indochina War. After the French left, he gave strong financial support to the new state of South Vietnam. He supported regime-changing military coups in Iran and Guatemala orchestrated by his own administration. During the Suez Crisis of 1956, he condemned the Israeli, British, and French invasion of Egypt, and he forced them to withdraw. He also condemned the Soviet invasion during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 but took no action. He deployed 15,000 soldiers during the 1958 Lebanon crisis. Near the end of his term, a summit meeting with the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev was cancelled when a US spy plane was shot down over the Soviet Union. Eisenhower approved the Bay of Pigs Invasion, which was left to John F. Kennedy to carry out. On the domestic front, Eisenhower governed as a moderate conservative who continued New Deal agencies and expanded Social Security. He covertly opposed Joseph McCarthy and contributed to the end of McCarthyism by openly invoking executive privilege. He signed the Civil Rights Act of 1957 and sent Army troops to enforce federal court orders which integrated schools in Little Rock, Arkansas. His administration undertook the development and construction of the Interstate Highway System, which remains the largest construction of roadways in American history. In 1957, following the Soviet launch of Sputnik, Eisenhower led the American response which included the creation of NASA and the establishment of a stronger, science-based education via the National Defense Education Act. The Soviet Union began to reinforce their own space program, escalating the Space Race. His two terms saw unprecedented economic prosperity except for a minor recession in 1958. In his farewell address, he expressed his concerns about the dangers of massive military spending, particularly deficit spending and government contracts to private military manufacturers, which he dubbed "the military–industrial complex". Historical evaluations of his presidency place him among the upper tier of American presidents. Family background Further information: Family of Dwight D. Eisenhower The Eisenhauer (German for "iron hewer" or "iron miner") family migrated from the German village of Karlsbrunn to the Province of Pennsylvania in 1741.[3] Accounts vary as to how and when the German name Eisenhauer was anglicized.[4] David Jacob Eisenhower, Eisenhower's father, was a college-educated engineer, despite his own father's urging to stay on the family farm. Eisenhower's mother, Ida Elizabeth (Stover) Eisenhower, of predominantly German Protestant ancestry, moved to Kansas from Virginia. She married David on September 23, 1885, in Lecompton, Kansas, on the campus of their alma mater, Lane University.[5] David owned a general store in Hope, Kansas, but the business failed due to economic conditions and the family became impoverished. The Eisenhowers lived in Texas from 1889 until 1892, and later returned to Kansas, with $24 (equivalent to $814 in 2023) to their name. David worked as a railroad mechanic and then at a creamery.[5] By 1898, the parents made a decent living and provided a suitable home for their large family.[6] Early life and education The Eisenhower family home in Abilene, Kansas Eisenhower was born David Dwight Eisenhower in Denison, Texas, on October 14, 1890, the third of seven sons born to Ida and David.[7] His mother soon reversed his two forenames after his birth to avoid the confusion of having two Davids in the family.[8] He was named Dwight after the evangelist Dwight L. Moody.[9] All of the boys were nicknamed "Ike", such as "Big Ike" (Edgar) and "Little Ike" (Dwight); the nickname was intended as an abbreviation of their last name.[10] By World War II, only Dwight was still called "Ike".[3] In 1892, the family moved to Abilene, Kansas, which Eisenhower considered his hometown.[3] As a child, he was involved in an accident that cost his younger brother Earl an eye, for which he was remorseful for the remainder of his life.[11] Eisenhower developed a keen and enduring interest in exploring the outdoors. He learned about hunting and fishing, cooking, and card playing from a man named Bob Davis who camped on the Smoky Hill River.[12][13][14] While his mother was against war, it was her collection of history books that first sparked Eisenhower's interest in military history; he became a voracious reader on the subject. Other favorite subjects early in his education were arithmetic and spelling.[15] Eisenhower's parents set aside specific times at breakfast and at dinner for daily family Bible reading. Chores were regularly assigned and rotated among all the children, and misbehavior was met with unequivocal discipline, usually from David.[16] His mother, previously a member (with David) of the River Brethren (Brethren in Christ Church) sect of the Mennonites,[17] joined the International Bible Students Association, later known as Jehovah's Witnesses. The Eisenhower home served as the local meeting hall from 1896 to 1915, though Dwight never joined.[18] His later decision to attend West Point saddened his mother, who felt that warfare was "rather wicked", but she did not overrule his decision.[19] Speaking of himself in 1948, Eisenhower said he was "one of the most deeply religious men I know" though unattached to any "sect or organization". He was baptized in the Presbyterian Church in 1953.[17] Eisenhower attended Abilene High School and graduated in 1909.[20] As a freshman, he injured his knee and developed a leg infection that extended into his groin, which his doctor diagnosed as life-threatening. The doctor insisted that the leg be amputated but Dwight refused to allow it, and surprisingly recovered, though he had to repeat his freshman year.[21] He and brother Edgar both wanted to attend college, though they lacked the funds. They made a pact to take alternate years at college while the other worked to earn the tuitions.[22] Edgar took the first turn at school, and Dwight was employed as a night supervisor at the Belle Springs Creamery.[23] When Edgar asked for a second year, Dwight consented. At that time, a friend Edward "Swede" Hazlett was applying to the Naval Academy and urged Dwight to apply, since no tuition was required. Eisenhower requested consideration for either Annapolis or West Point with his Senator, Joseph L. Bristow. Though Eisenhower was among the winners of the entrance-exam competition, he was beyond the age limit for the Naval Academy.[24] He accepted an appointment to West Point in 1911.[24] At West Point, Eisenhower relished the emphasis on traditions and on sports, but was less enthusiastic about the hazing, though he willingly accepted it as a plebe. He was also a regular violator of the more detailed regulations and finished school with a less than stellar discipline rating. Academically, Eisenhower's best subject by far was English. Otherwise, his performance was average, though he thoroughly enjoyed the typical emphasis of engineering on science and mathematics.[25] In athletics, Eisenhower later said that "not making the baseball team at West Point was one of the greatest disappointments of my life, maybe my greatest".[26] He made the varsity football team[27][28] and was a starter at halfback in 1912, when he tried to tackle the legendary Jim Thorpe of the Carlisle Indians.[29] Eisenhower suffered a torn knee while being tackled in the next game, which was the last he played; he reinjured his knee on horseback and in the boxing ring,[3][12][30] so he turned to fencing and gymnastics.[3] West Point yearbook photo, 1915 Eisenhower later served as junior varsity football coach and cheerleader, which caught the attention of General Frederick Funston.[31] He graduated from West Point in the middle of the class of 1915,[32] which became known as "the class the stars fell on", because 59 members eventually became general officers. After graduation in 1915, Second Lieutenant Eisenhower requested an assignment in the Philippines, which was denied; because of the ongoing Mexican Revolution, he was posted to Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio, Texas, under the command of General Funston. In 1916, while stationed at Fort Sam Houston, Funston convinced him to become the football coach for Peacock Military Academy;[31] he later became the coach at St. Louis College, now St. Mary's University,[33] and was an honorary member of the Sigma Beta Chi fraternity there.[34] Personal life Main article: Family of Dwight D. Eisenhower While Eisenhower was stationed in Texas, he met Mamie Doud of Boone, Iowa.[3] They were immediately taken with each other. He proposed to her on Valentine's Day in 1916.[35] A November wedding date in Denver was moved up to July 1 due to the impending American entry into World War I; Funston approved 10 days of leave for their wedding.[36] The Eisenhowers moved many times during their first 35 years of marriage.[37] The Eisenhowers had two sons. In late 1917 while he was in charge of training at Fort Oglethorpe in Georgia, his wife Mamie had their first son, Doud Dwight "Icky" Eisenhower, who died of scarlet fever at the age of three.[38] Eisenhower was mostly reluctant to discuss his death.[39] Their second son, John Eisenhower, was born in Denver, Colorado.[40] John served in the United States Army, retired as a brigadier general, became an author and served as Ambassador to Belgium from 1969 to 1971. He married Barbara Jean Thompson and had four children: David, Barbara Ann, Susan Elaine and Mary Jean. David, after whom Camp David is named,[41] married Richard Nixon's daughter Julie in 1968. Mamie Eisenhower, painted in 1953 by Thomas E. Stephens Eisenhower was a golf enthusiast later in life, and he joined the Augusta National Golf Club in 1948.[42] He played golf frequently during and after his presidency and was unreserved in his passion for the game, to the point of golfing during winter; he ordered his golf balls painted black so he could see them better against snow. He had a basic golf facility installed at Camp David, and he became close friends with the Augusta National Chairman Clifford Roberts, inviting Roberts to stay at the White House on numerous occasions.[43] Roberts, an investment broker, also handled the Eisenhower family's investments.[44] He began oil painting while at Columbia University, after watching Thomas E. Stephens paint Mamie's portrait. Eisenhower painted about 260 oils during the last 20 years of his life. The images were mostly landscapes but also portraits of subjects such as Mamie, their grandchildren, General Montgomery, George Washington, and Abraham Lincoln.[45] Wendy Beckett stated that Eisenhower's paintings, "simple and earnest", caused her to "wonder at the hidden depths of this reticent president". A conservative in both art and politics, Eisenhower in a 1962 speech denounced modern art as "a piece of canvas that looks like a broken-down Tin Lizzie, loaded with paint, has been driven over it".[39] Angels in the Outfield was Eisenhower's favorite movie.[46] His favorite reading material for relaxation was the Western novels of Zane Grey.[47] With his excellent memory and ability to focus, Eisenhower was skilled at cards. He learned poker, which he called his "favorite indoor sport", in Abilene. Eisenhower recorded West Point classmates' poker losses for payment after graduation and later stopped playing because his opponents resented having to pay him. A friend reported that after learning to play contract bridge at West Point, Eisenhower played the game six nights a week for five months.[48] Eisenhower continued to play bridge throughout his military career. While stationed in the Philippines, he played regularly with President Manuel Quezon, earning him the nickname the "Bridge Wizard of Manila".[49] An unwritten qualification for an officer's appointment to Eisenhower's staff during World War II was the ability to play bridge. He played even during the stressful weeks leading up to the D-Day landings. His favorite partner was General Alfred Gruenther, considered the best player in the US Army; he appointed Gruenther his second-in-command at NATO partly because of his skill at bridge. Saturday night bridge games at the White House were a feature of his presidency. He was a strong player, though not an expert by modern standards. The great bridge player and popularizer Ely Culbertson described his game as classic and sound with "flashes of brilliance" and said that "you can always judge a man's character by the way he plays cards. Eisenhower is a calm and collected player and never whines at his losses. He is brilliant in victory but never commits the bridge player's worst crime of gloating when he wins." Bridge expert Oswald Jacoby frequently participated in the White House games and said, "The President plays better bridge than golf. He tries to break 90 at golf. At bridge, you would say he plays in the 70s."[50] World War I (1914–1918) See also: Military career of Dwight D. Eisenhower Eisenhower served initially in logistics and then the infantry at various camps in Texas and Georgia until 1918. When the US entered World War I, he immediately requested an overseas assignment but was denied and assigned to Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas.[51] In February 1918, he was transferred to Camp Meade in Maryland with the 65th Engineers. His unit was later ordered to France, but, to his chagrin, he received orders for the new tank corps, where he was promoted to brevet lieutenant colonel in the National Army.[52] He commanded a unit that trained tank crews at Camp Colt – his first command. Though Eisenhower and his tank crews never saw combat, he displayed excellent organizational skills as well as an ability to accurately assess junior officers' strengths and make optimal placements of personnel.[53] His spirits were raised when the unit under his command received orders overseas to France. This time his wishes were thwarted when the armistice was signed a week before his departure date.[54] Completely missing out on the warfront left him depressed and bitter for a time, despite receiving the Distinguished Service Medal for his work at home.[55] In World War II, rivals who had combat service in the Great War (led by Gen. Bernard Montgomery) sought to denigrate Eisenhower for his previous lack of combat duty, despite his stateside experience establishing a camp for thousands of troops and developing a full combat training schedule.[56] Between the Wars (1918–1939) In service of generals Eisenhower (far right) with friends William Stuhler, Major Brett, and Paul V. Robinson in 1919, four years after graduating from the United States Military Academy at West Point After the war, Eisenhower reverted to his regular rank of captain and a few days later was promoted to major, a rank he held for 16 years.[57] The major was assigned in 1919 to a transcontinental Army convoy to test vehicles and dramatize the need for improved roads. Indeed, the convoy averaged only 5 miles per hour (8.0 km/h) from Washington, D.C. to San Francisco; later the improvement of highways became a signature issue for Eisenhower as president.[58] He assumed duties again at Camp Meade, Maryland, commanding a battalion of tanks, where he remained until 1922. His schooling continued, focused on the nature of the next war and the role of the tank. His new expertise in tank warfare was strengthened by a close collaboration with George S. Patton, Sereno E. Brett, and other senior tank leaders. Their leading-edge ideas of speed-oriented offensive tank warfare were strongly discouraged by superiors, who considered the new approach too radical and preferred to continue using tanks in a strictly supportive role for the infantry. Eisenhower was even threatened with court-martial for continued publication of these proposed methods of tank deployment, and he relented.[59][60] From 1920, Eisenhower served under a succession of talented generals – Fox Conner, John J. Pershing, Douglas MacArthur and George Marshall. He first became executive officer to General Conner in the Panama Canal Zone, where, joined by Mamie, he served until 1924. Under Conner's tutelage, he studied military history and theory (including Carl von Clausewitz's On War), and later cited Conner's enormous influence on his military thinking, saying in 1962 that "Fox Conner was the ablest man I ever knew." Conner's comment on Eisenhower was, "[He] is one of the most capable, efficient and loyal officers I have ever met."[61] On Conner's recommendation, in 1925–1926 he attended the Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, where he graduated first in a class of 245 officers.[62][63] During the late 1920s and early 1930s, Eisenhower's career stalled somewhat, as military priorities diminished; many of his friends resigned for high-paying business jobs. He was assigned to the American Battle Monuments Commission directed by General Pershing, and with the help of his brother Milton Eisenhower, then a journalist at the Agriculture Department, he produced a guide to American battlefields in Europe.[64] He then was assigned to the Army War College and graduated in 1928. After a one-year assignment in France, Eisenhower served as executive officer to General George V. Moseley, Assistant Secretary of War, from 1929 to February 1933.[65] Major Eisenhower graduated from the Army Industrial College in 1933 and later served on the faculty (it was later expanded to become the Industrial College of the Armed Services and is now known as the Dwight D. Eisenhower School for National Security and Resource Strategy).[66][67] His primary duty was planning for the next war, which proved most difficult in the midst of the Great Depression.[68] He then was posted as chief military aide to General Douglas MacArthur, Army Chief of Staff. In 1932, he participated in the clearing of the Bonus March encampment in Washington, D.C. Although he was against the actions taken against the veterans and strongly advised MacArthur against taking a public role in it, he later wrote the Army's official incident report, endorsing MacArthur's conduct.[69][70] Philippine tenure (1935–1939) In 1935, he accompanied MacArthur to the Philippines, where he served as assistant military adviser to the Philippine government in developing their army. MacArthur allowed Eisenhower to handpick an officer whom he thought would contribute to the mission. Hence he chose James Ord, a classmate of his at West Point. Having been brought up in Mexico, which inculcated into him the Spanish culture which influenced both Mexico and the Philippines, Ord was deemed the right pick for the job. Eisenhower had strong philosophical disagreements with MacArthur regarding the role of the Philippine Army and the leadership qualities that an American army officer should exhibit and develop in his subordinates. The antipathy between Eisenhower and MacArthur lasted the rest of their lives.[71] Historians have concluded that this assignment provided valuable preparation for handling the challenging personalities of Winston Churchill, George S. Patton, George Marshall, and Bernard Montgomery during World War II. Eisenhower later emphasized that too much had been made of the disagreements with MacArthur and that a positive relationship endured.[72] While in Manila, Mamie suffered a life-threatening stomach ailment but recovered fully. Eisenhower was promoted to the rank of permanent lieutenant colonel in 1936. He also learned to fly with the Philippine Army Air Corps at the Zablan Airfield in Camp Murphy under Capt. Jesus Villamor, making a solo flight over the Philippines in 1937, and obtained his private pilot's license in 1939 at Fort Lewis.[73][74][75] Also around this time, he was offered a post by the Philippine Commonwealth Government, namely by then Philippine President Manuel L. Quezon on recommendations by MacArthur, to become the chief of police of a new capital being planned, now named Quezon City, but he declined the offer.[76] World War II (1939–1945) Eisenhower returned to the United States in December 1939 and was assigned as commanding officer of the 1st Battalion, 15th Infantry Regiment at Fort Lewis, Washington, later becoming the regimental executive officer. In March 1941 he was promoted to colonel and assigned as chief of staff of the newly activated IX Corps under Major General Kenyon Joyce. In June 1941, he was appointed chief of staff to General Walter Krueger, Commander of the Third Army, at Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio, Texas. After successfully participating in the Louisiana Maneuvers, he was promoted to brigadier general on October 3, 1941.[77][78] After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Eisenhower was assigned to the General Staff in Washington, where he served until June 1942 with responsibility for creating the major war plans to defeat Japan and Germany. He was appointed Deputy Chief in charge of Pacific Defenses under the Chief of War Plans Division (WPD), General Leonard T. Gerow, and then succeeded Gerow as Chief of the War Plans Division. Next, he was appointed Assistant Chief of Staff in charge of the new Operations Division (which replaced WPD) under Chief of Staff General George C. Marshall, who spotted talent and promoted accordingly.[79] At the end of May 1942, Eisenhower accompanied Lt. Gen. Henry H. Arnold, commanding general of the Army Air Forces, to London to assess the effectiveness of the theater commander in England, Maj. Gen. James E. Chaney.[80] He returned to Washington on June 3 with a pessimistic assessment, stating he had an "uneasy feeling" about Chaney and his staff. On June 23, 1942, he returned to London as Commanding General, European Theater of Operations (ETOUSA), based in London and with a house on Coombe, Kingston upon Thames,[81] and took over command of ETOUSA from Chaney.[82] He was promoted to lieutenant general on July 7. Operations Torch and Avalanche Eisenhower as a major general, 1942 In November 1942, Eisenhower was also appointed Supreme Commander Allied Expeditionary Force of the North African Theater of Operations (NATOUSA) through the new operational Headquarters Allied (Expeditionary) Force Headquarters (A(E)FHQ). The word "expeditionary" was dropped soon after his appointment for security reasons.[failed verification] The campaign in North Africa was designated Operation Torch and was planned in the underground headquarters within the Rock of Gibraltar. Eisenhower was the first non-British person to command Gibraltar in 200 years.[83] French cooperation was deemed necessary to the campaign and Eisenhower encountered a "preposterous situation"[according to whom?] with the multiple rival factions in France. His primary objective was to move forces successfully into Tunisia and intending to facilitate that objective, he gave his support to François Darlan as High Commissioner in North Africa, despite Darlan's previous high offices in Vichy France and his continued role as commander-in-chief of the French armed forces. The Allied leaders were "thunderstruck"[according to whom?] by this from a political standpoint, though none had offered Eisenhower guidance with the problem in planning the operation. Eisenhower was severely criticized[by whom?] for the move. Darlan was assassinated on December 24 by Fernand Bonnier de La Chapelle, a French antifascist monarchist.[84] Eisenhower later appointed as High Commissioner General Henri Giraud, who had been installed by the Allies as Darlan's commander-in-chief.[85] Operation Torch also served as a valuable training ground for Eisenhower's combat command skills; during the initial phase of Generalfeldmarschall Erwin Rommel's move into the Kasserine Pass, Eisenhower created some confusion in the ranks by interference with the execution of battle plans by his subordinates. He also was initially indecisive in his removal of Lloyd Fredendall, commanding II Corps. He became more adroit in such matters in later campaigns.[86] In February 1943, his authority was extended as commander of AFHQ across the Mediterranean basin to include the British Eighth Army, commanded by General Sir Bernard Montgomery. The Eighth Army had advanced across the Western Desert from the east and was ready for the start of the Tunisia Campaign. After the capitulation of Axis forces in North Africa, Eisenhower oversaw the invasion of Sicily. Once Mussolini, the Italian leader, had fallen in Italy, the Allies switched their attention to the mainland with Operation Avalanche. But while Eisenhower argued with President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Churchill, who both insisted on unconditional surrender in exchange for helping the Italians, the Germans pursued an aggressive buildup of forces in the country. The Germans made the already tough battle more difficult by adding 19 divisions and initially outnumbering the Allied forces 2 to 1.[87] Supreme Allied commander and Operation Overlord Duration: 1 minute and 48 seconds.1:48 General Eisenhower reads his order of the day for June 5, 1944, the day before D-Day. In December 1943, President Roosevelt decided that Eisenhower – not Marshall – would be Supreme Allied Commander in Europe. The following month, he resumed command of ETOUSA and the following month was officially designated as the Supreme Allied Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF), serving in a dual role until the end of hostilities in Europe in May 1945.[88] He was charged in these positions with planning and carrying out the Allied assault on the coast of Normandy in June 1944 under the code name Operation Overlord, the liberation of Western Europe and the invasion of Germany.[89] Eisenhower speaks with men of the 502nd Parachute Infantry Regiment (PIR), part of the 101st "Screaming Eagles" Airborne Division, on June 5, 1944, the day before the D-Day invasion. The officer Eisenhower is speaking to is First Lieutenant Wallace Strobel. Eisenhower, as well as the officers and troops under him, had learned valuable lessons in their previous operations, and their skills had all strengthened in preparation for the next most difficult campaign against the Germans—a beach landing assault. His first struggles, however, were with Allied leaders and officers on matters vital to the success of the Normandy invasion; he argued with Roosevelt over an essential agreement with De Gaulle to use French resistance forces in covert operations against the Germans in advance of Operation Overlord.[90] Admiral Ernest J. King fought with Eisenhower over King's refusal to provide additional landing craft from the Pacific.[91] Eisenhower also insisted that the British give him exclusive command over all strategic air forces to facilitate Overlord, to the point of threatening to resign unless Churchill relented, which he did.[92] Eisenhower then designed a bombing plan in France in advance of Overlord and argued with Churchill over the latter's concern with civilian casualties; de Gaulle interjected that the casualties were justified, and Eisenhower prevailed.[93] He also had to skillfully manage to retain the services of the often unruly George S. Patton, by severely reprimanding him when Patton earlier had slapped a subordinate, and then when Patton gave a speech in which he made improper comments about postwar policy.[94] The D-Day Normandy landings on June 6, 1944, were costly but successful. Two months later (August 15), the invasion of Southern France took place, and control of forces in the southern invasion passed from the AFHQ to the SHAEF. Many thought that victory in Europe would come by summer's end, but the Germans did not capitulate for almost a year. From then until the end of the war in Europe on May 8, 1945, Eisenhower, through SHAEF, commanded all Allied forces, and through his command of ETOUSA had administrative command of all US forces on the Western Front north of the Alps. He was ever mindful of the inevitable loss of life and suffering that would be experienced by the troops under his command and their families. This prompted him to make a point of visiting every division involved in the invasion.[95] Eisenhower's sense of responsibility was underscored by his draft of a statement to be issued if the invasion failed. It has been called one of the great speeches of history: Our landings in the Cherbourg-Havre area have failed to gain a satisfactory foothold and I have withdrawn the troops. My decision to attack at this time and place was based on the best information available. The troops, the air and the Navy did all that bravery and devotion to duty could do. If any blame or fault attaches to the attempt, it is mine alone.[96] Liberation of France and victory in Europe Eisenhower with Allied commanders following the signing of the German Instrument of Surrender at Reims Every ground commander seeks the battle of annihilation; so far as conditions permit, he tries to duplicate in modern war the classic example of Cannae. — Eisenhower[97] Once the coastal assault had succeeded, Eisenhower insisted on retaining personal control over the land battle strategy and was immersed in the command and supply of multiple assaults through France on Germany. Field Marshal Montgomery insisted priority be given to his 21st Army Group's attack being made in the north, while Generals Bradley (12th US Army Group) and Devers (Sixth US Army Group) insisted they be given priority in the center and south of the front (respectively). Eisenhower worked tirelessly to address the demands of the rival commanders to optimize Allied forces, often by giving them tactical latitude; many historians conclude this delayed the Allied victory in Europe. However, due to Eisenhower's persistence, the pivotal supply port at Antwerp was successfully, albeit belatedly, opened in late 1944.[98] In recognition of his senior position in the Allied command, on December 20, 1944, he was promoted to General of the Army, equivalent to the rank of Field Marshal in most European armies. In this and the previous high commands he held, Eisenhower showed his great talents for leadership and diplomacy. Although he had never seen action himself, he won the respect of front-line commanders. He interacted adeptly with allies such as Winston Churchill, Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery and General Charles de Gaulle. He had serious disagreements with Churchill and Montgomery over questions of strategy, but these rarely upset his relationships with them. He dealt with Soviet Marshal Zhukov, his Russian counterpart, and they became good friends.[99] In December 1944, the Germans launched a surprise counteroffensive, the Battle of the Bulge, which the Allies turned back in early 1945 after Eisenhower repositioned his armies and improved weather allowed the Army Air Force to engage.[100] German defenses continued to deteriorate on both the Eastern Front with the Red Army and the Western Front with the Western Allies. The British wanted to capture Berlin, but Eisenhower decided it would be a military mistake for him to attack Berlin and said orders to that effect would have to be explicit. The British backed down but then wanted Eisenhower to move into Czechoslovakia for political reasons. Washington refused to support Churchill's plan to use Eisenhower's army for political maneuvers against Moscow. The actual division of Germany followed the lines that Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin had previously agreed upon. The Soviet Red Army captured Berlin in a very bloody large-scale battle, and the Germans finally surrendered on May 7, 1945.[101] In 1945, Eisenhower anticipated that someday an attempt would be made to recharacterize Nazi crimes as propaganda (Holocaust denial) and took steps against it by demanding extensive photo and film documentation of Nazi death camps.[102] After World War II (1945–1953) Military Governor of the American-occupied zone of Germany General Eisenhower served as military governor of the American zone (highlighted) in Allied-occupied Germany from May through November 1945. Following the German unconditional surrender, Eisenhower was appointed military governor of the American-occupied zone of Germany, located primarily in Southern Germany, and headquartered in Frankfurt am Main. Upon discovery of the Nazi concentration camps, he ordered camera crews to document evidence for use in the Nuremberg Trials. He reclassified German prisoners of war (POWs) in US custody as Disarmed Enemy Forces (DEFs), who were no longer subject to the Geneva Convention. Eisenhower followed the orders laid down by the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) in directive JCS 1067 but softened them by bringing in 400,000 tons of food for civilians and allowing more fraternization.[103][104][105] In response to the devastation in Germany, including food shortages and an influx of refugees, he arranged distribution of American food and medical equipment.[106] His actions reflected the new American attitudes of the German people as Nazi victims not villains, while aggressively purging the ex-Nazis.[107][108] Army Chief of Staff In November 1945, Eisenhower returned to Washington to replace Marshall as Chief of Staff of the Army. His main role was the rapid demobilization of millions of soldiers, which was delayed by lack of shipping. Eisenhower was convinced in 1946 that the Soviet Union did not want war and that friendly relations could be maintained; he strongly supported the new United Nations and favored its involvement in the control of atomic bombs. However, in formulating policies regarding the atomic bomb and relations with the Soviets, Truman was guided by the State Department and ignored Eisenhower and the Pentagon. Indeed, Eisenhower had opposed the use of the atomic bomb against the Japanese, writing, "First, the Japanese were ready to surrender and it wasn't necessary to hit them with that awful thing. Second, I hated to see our country be the first to use such a weapon."[109] Initially, Eisenhower hoped for cooperation with the Soviets.[110] He even visited Warsaw in 1945. Invited by Bolesław Bierut and decorated with the highest military decoration, he was shocked by the scale of destruction in the city.[111] However, by mid-1947, as east–west tensions over economic recovery in Germany and the Greek Civil War escalated, Eisenhower agreed with a containment policy to stop Soviet expansion.[110] 1948 presidential election In June 1943, a visiting politician had suggested to Eisenhower that he might become president after the war. Believing that a general should not participate in politics, Merlo J. Pusey wrote that "figuratively speaking, [Eisenhower] kicked his political-minded visitor out of his office". As others asked him about his political future, Eisenhower told one that he could not imagine wanting to be considered for any political job "from dogcatcher to Grand High Supreme King of the Universe", and another that he could not serve as Army Chief of Staff if others believed he had political ambitions. In 1945, Truman told Eisenhower during the Potsdam Conference that if desired, the president would help the general win the 1948 election,[112] and in 1947 he offered to run as Eisenhower's running mate on the Democratic ticket if MacArthur won the Republican nomination.[113] As the election approached, other prominent citizens and politicians from both parties urged Eisenhower to run. In January 1948, after learning of plans in New Hampshire to elect delegates supporting him for the forthcoming Republican National Convention, Eisenhower stated through the Army that he was "not available for and could not accept nomination to high political office"; "life-long professional soldiers", he wrote, "in the absence of some obvious and overriding reason, [should] abstain from seeking high political office".[112] Eisenhower maintained no political party affiliation during this time. Many believed he was forgoing his only opportunity to be president as Republican Thomas E. Dewey was considered the probable winner and would presumably serve two terms, meaning that Eisenhower, at age 66 in 1956, would be too old to run.[114] President at Columbia University and NATO Supreme Commander Eisenhower lighting the Columbia University Yule Log, 1949 Eisenhower posing in front of Alma Mater at Columbia in 1953 As president of Columbia, Eisenhower presents an honorary degree to Jawaharlal Nehru. In 1948, Eisenhower became President of Columbia University, an Ivy League university in New York City, where he was inducted into Phi Beta Kappa.[115] The choice was subsequently characterized as not having been a good fit for either party.[116] During that year, Eisenhower's memoir, Crusade in Europe, was published.[117] It was a major financial success.[118] Eisenhower sought the advice of Augusta National's Roberts about the tax implications of this,[118] and in due course Eisenhower's profit on the book was substantially aided by what author David Pietrusza calls "a ruling without precedent" by the Department of the Treasury. It held that Eisenhower was not a professional writer, but rather, marketing the lifetime asset of his experiences, and thus he had to pay only capital gains tax on his $635,000 advance instead of the much higher personal tax rate. This ruling saved Eisenhower about $400,000.[119] Eisenhower's stint as the president of Columbia was punctuated by his activity within the Council on Foreign Relations, a study group he led concerning the political and military implications of the Marshall Plan and The American Assembly, Eisenhower's "vision of a great cultural center where business, professional and governmental leaders could meet from time to time to discuss and reach conclusions concerning problems of a social and political nature".[120] His biographer Blanche Wiesen Cook suggested that this period served his "the political education", since he had to prioritize wide-ranging educational, administrative, and financial demands for the university.[121] Through his involvement in the Council on Foreign Relations, he also gained exposure to economic analysis, which would become the bedrock of his understanding in economic policy. "Whatever General Eisenhower knows about economics, he has learned at the study group meetings," one Aid to Europe member claimed.[122] Eisenhower accepted the presidency of the university to expand his ability to promote "the American form of democracy" through education.[123] He was clear on this point to the trustees on the search committee. He informed them that his main purpose was "to promote the basic concepts of education in a democracy".[123] As a result, he was "almost incessantly" devoted to the idea of the American Assembly, a concept he developed into an institution by the end of 1950.[120] Within months of becoming university president, Eisenhower was requested to advise Secretary of Defense James Forrestal on the unification of the armed services.[124] About six months after his appointment, he became the informal Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in Washington.[125] Two months later he fell ill with what was diagnosed as acute gastroenteritis, and he spent over a month in recovery at the Augusta National Golf Club.[126] He returned to his post in New York in mid-May, and in July 1949 took a two-month vacation out-of-state.[127] Because the American Assembly had begun to take shape, he traveled around the country during summer and fall 1950, building financial support for it, including from Columbia Associates, a recently created alumni and benefactor organization for which he had helped recruit members.[128] Eisenhower was unknowingly building resentment and a reputation among the Columbia University faculty and staff as an absentee president who was using the university for his own interests. As a career military man, he naturally had little in common with the academics.[129] The contacts gained through university and American Assembly fundraising activities would later become important supporters in Eisenhower's bid for the Republican party nomination and the presidency. Meanwhile, Columbia University's liberal faculty members became disenchanted with the university president's ties to oilmen and businessmen.[citation needed] He did have some successes at Columbia. Puzzled as to why no American university had undertaken the "continuous study of the causes, conduct and consequences of war",[130] Eisenhower undertook the creation of the Institute of War and Peace Studies, a research facility to "study war as a tragic social phenomenon".[131] Eisenhower was able to use his network of wealthy friends and acquaintances to secure initial funding for it.[132] Under its founding director, international relations scholar William T. R. Fox, the institute began in 1951 and became a pioneer in international security studies, one that would be emulated by other institutes in the United States and Britain later in the decade.[130] The Institute of War and Peace Studies thus become one of the projects which Eisenhower considered his "unique contribution" to Columbia.[131] As the president of Columbia, Eisenhower gave voice to his opinions about the supremacy and difficulties of American democracy. His tenure marked his transformation from military to civilian leadership. His biographer Travis Beal Jacobs also suggested that the alienation of the Columbia faculty contributed to sharp intellectual criticism of him for many years.[133] The trustees of Columbia University declined to accept Eisenhower's offer to resign in December 1950, when he took an extended leave from the university to become the Supreme Commander of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and he was given operational command of NATO forces in Europe.[134] Eisenhower retired from active service as an army general on June 3, 1952,[135] and he resumed his presidency of Columbia. Meanwhile, Eisenhower had become the Republican Party nominee for president of the United States, a contest that he won on November 4. Eisenhower tendered his resignation as university president on November 15, 1952, effective January 19, 1953, the day before his inauguration.[136] At home, Eisenhower was more effective in making the case for NATO in Congress than the Truman administration had been. By the middle of 1951, with American and European support, NATO was a genuine military power. Nevertheless, Eisenhower thought that NATO would become a truly European alliance, with the American and Canadian commitments ending after about ten years.[137] Presidential campaign of 1952 Main article: 1952 United States presidential election See also: Draft Eisenhower movement Eisenhower button from the 1952 campaign President Truman sensed a broad-based desire for an Eisenhower candidacy for president, and he again pressed him to run for the office as a Democrat in 1951. But Eisenhower voiced his disagreements with the Democrats and declared himself to be a Republican.[138] A "Draft Eisenhower" movement in the Republican Party persuaded him to declare his candidacy in the 1952 presidential election to counter the candidacy of non-interventionist Senator Robert A. Taft. The effort was a long struggle; Eisenhower had to be convinced that political circumstances had created a genuine duty to offer himself as a candidate and that there was a mandate from the public for him to be their president. Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. and others succeeded in convincing him, and he resigned his command at NATO in June 1952 to campaign full-time.[139] Duration: 1 minute and 2 seconds.1:02 "I Like Ike" televised campaign ad, 1952 Eisenhower defeated Taft for the nomination, having won critical delegate votes from Texas. His campaign was noted for the simple slogan "I Like Ike". It was essential to his success that Eisenhower express opposition to Roosevelt's policy at the Yalta Conference and to Truman's policies in Korea and China—matters in which he had once participated.[140][141] In defeating Taft for the nomination, it became necessary for Eisenhower to appease the right-wing Old Guard of the Republican Party; his selection of Richard Nixon as the vice-president on the ticket was designed in part for that purpose. Nixon also provided a strong anti-communist reputation, as well as youth to counter Eisenhower's more advanced age.[142] 1952 electoral vote results Eisenhower insisted on campaigning in the South in the general election, against the advice of his campaign team, refusing to surrender the region to the Democrats. The campaign strategy was dubbed "K1C2" and was intended to focus on attacking the Truman administration on three failures: the Korean War, Communism, and corruption.[143] Two controversies tested him and his staff, but they did not damage the campaign. One involved a report that Nixon had improperly received funds from a secret trust. Nixon spoke out adroitly to avoid potential damage, but the matter permanently alienated the two candidates. The second issue centered on Eisenhower's relented decision to confront the controversial methods of Joseph McCarthy on his home turf in a Wisconsin appearance.[144] Eisenhower condemned "wickedness in government", an allusion to gay government employees who were conflated with communism during McCarthyism.[145] Eisenhower defeated Democratic candidate Adlai Stevenson II in a landslide, with an electoral margin of 442 to 89, marking the first Republican return to the White House in 20 years.[141] He also brought a Republican majority in the House, by eight votes, and in the Senate, evenly divided with Vice President Nixon providing Republicans the majority.[146] Eisenhower was the last president born in the 19th century, and he was the oldest president-elect at age 62 since James Buchanan in 1856.[147] He was the third commanding general of the Army to serve as president, after George Washington and Ulysses S. Grant, and the last not to have held political office prior to becoming president until Donald Trump entered office in January 2017.[148] Election of 1956 Main article: 1956 United States presidential election 1956 electoral vote results In the United States presidential election of 1956, Eisenhower, the popular incumbent, was re-elected. The election was a re-match of 1952, as his opponent in 1956 was Stevenson, a former Illinois governor, whom Eisenhower had defeated four years earlier. Compared to the 1952 election, Eisenhower gained Kentucky, Louisiana, and West Virginia from Stevenson, while losing Missouri. His voters were less likely to bring up his leadership record. Instead what stood out this time "was the response to personal qualities— to his sincerity, his integrity and sense of duty, his virtue as a family man, his religious devotion, and his sheer likeableness."[149] Presidency (1953–1961) Main article: Presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower For a chronological guide, see Timeline of the Dwight D. Eisenhower presidency. Truman and Eisenhower had minimal discussions about the transition of administrations due to a complete estrangement between them as a result of campaigning.[150] Eisenhower selected Joseph M. Dodge as his budget director, then asked Herbert Brownell Jr. and Lucius D. Clay to make recommendations for his cabinet appointments. He accepted their recommendations without exception; they included John Foster Dulles and George M. Humphrey with whom he developed his closest relationships, as well as Oveta Culp Hobby. His cabinet consisted of several corporate executives and one labor leader, and one journalist dubbed it "eight millionaires and a plumber".[151] The cabinet was known for its lack of personal friends, office seekers, or experienced government administrators. He also upgraded the role of the National Security Council in planning all phases of the Cold War.[152] Before his inauguration, Eisenhower led a meeting of advisors at Pearl Harbor where they set goals for his first term: balance the budget, end the Korean War, defend vital interests at lower cost through nuclear deterrent, and end price and wage controls.[153] He also conducted the first pre-inaugural cabinet meeting in history in late 1952; he used this meeting to articulate his anti-communist Russia policy. His inaugural address was exclusively devoted to foreign policy and included this same philosophy as well as a commitment to foreign trade and the United Nations.[154] February 1959 White House portrait Eisenhower made greater use of press conferences than any previous president, holding almost 200 over his two terms. He saw the benefit of maintaining a good relationship with the press, and he saw value in them as a means of direct communication with the American people.[155] Throughout his presidency, Eisenhower adhered to a political philosophy of dynamic conservatism.[156] He described himself as a "progressive conservative"[157] and used terms such as "progressive moderate" and "dynamic conservatism" to describe his approach.[158] He continued all the major New Deal programs still in operation, especially Social Security. He expanded its programs and rolled them into the new Cabinet-level agency of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, while extending benefits to an additional ten million workers. He implemented racial integration in the Armed Services in two years, which had not been completed under Truman.[159] In a private letter, Eisenhower wrote: Should any party attempt to abolish social security and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history. There is a tiny splinter group of course, that believes you can do these things [...] Their number is negligible and they are stupid.[160] When the 1954 Congressional elections approached, it became evident that the Republicans were in danger of losing their thin majority in both houses. Eisenhower was among those who blamed the Old Guard for the losses, and he took up the charge to stop suspected efforts by the right wing to take control of the GOP. He then articulated his position as a moderate, progressive Republican: "I have just one purpose ... and that is to build up a strong progressive Republican Party in this country. If the right wing wants a fight, they are going to get it ... before I end up, either this Republican Party will reflect progressivism or I won't be with them anymore."[161] Eisenhower initially planned on serving only one term, but he remained flexible in case leading Republicans wanted him to run again. He was recovering from a heart attack late in September 1955 when he met with his closest advisors to evaluate the GOP's potential candidates; the group concluded that a second term was well advised, and he announced that he would run again in February 1956.[162][163] Eisenhower was publicly noncommittal about having Nixon as the Vice President on his ticket; the question was an especially important one in light of his heart condition. He personally favored Robert B. Anderson, a Democrat who rejected his offer, so Eisenhower resolved to leave the matter in the hands of the party, which chose Nixon nearly unanimously.[164] In 1956, Eisenhower faced Adlai Stevenson again and won by an even larger landslide, with 457 of 531 electoral votes and 57.6 percent of the popular vote. His campaigning was curtailed out of health considerations.[165] Eisenhower made full use of his valet, chauffeur, and secretarial support; he rarely drove or even dialed a phone number. He was an avid fisherman, golfer, painter, and bridge player.[166] On August 26, 1959, he was aboard the maiden flight of Air Force One, which replaced the Columbine as the presidential aircraft.[167] Interstate Highway System Main article: Interstate Highway System Remarks in Cadillac Square, Detroit Duration: 1 minute and 19 seconds.1:19 President Eisenhower delivered remarks about the need for a new highway program at Cadillac Square in Detroit on October 29, 1954 Text of speech excerpt Problems playing this file? See media help. Eisenhower championed and signed the bill that authorized the Interstate Highway System in 1956.[168] He justified the project through the Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956 as essential to American security during the Cold War. Eisenhower's goal to create improved highways was influenced by his involvement in the Army's 1919 Transcontinental Motor Convoy. He was assigned as an observer for the mission, which involved sending a convoy of Army vehicles coast to coast.[169][170] His subsequent experience with the German autobahn convinced him of the benefits of an Interstate Highway System. The system could also be used as a runway for airplanes, which would be beneficial to war efforts. Franklin D. Roosevelt put this system into place with the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1944. He thought that an interstate highway system would be beneficial for military operations and would support continued economic growth.[171] The legislation initially stalled in Congress over the issuance of bonds to finance the project, but the legislative effort was renewed and Eisenhower signed the law in June 1956.[172] Foreign policy Eisenhower with Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser during Nasser's visit to United Nations in New York, September 1960. Eisenhower with Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Eisenhower visits the Republic of China and its President Chiang Kai-shek in Taipei. This section is an excerpt from Foreign policy of the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration.[edit] The United States foreign policy of the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration, from 1953 to 1961, focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and its satellites. The United States built up a stockpile of nuclear weapons and nuclear delivery systems to deter military threats and save money while cutting back on expensive Army combat units. A major uprising broke out in Hungary in 1956; the Eisenhower administration did not become directly involved, but condemned the military invasion by the Soviet Union. Eisenhower sought to reach a nuclear test ban treaty with the Soviet Union, but following the 1960 U-2 incident the Kremlin canceled a scheduled summit in Paris. As he promised, Eisenhower quickly ended the fighting in Korea, leaving it divided North and South. The U.S. has kept major forces there ever since to deter North Korea. In 1954, he played a key role in the Senate's defeat of the Bricker Amendment, which would have limited the president's treaty making power and ability to enter into executive agreements with foreign leaders. The Eisenhower administration used propaganda and covert action extensively, and the Central Intelligence Agency supported two military coups: the 1953 Iranian coup d'état and the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état. The administration did not approve the partition of Vietnam at the 1954 Geneva Conference, and directed economic and military aid and advice to South Vietnam. Washington led the establishment of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization as an alliance of anti-Communist states in Southeast Asia. It ended two crises with China over Taiwan. In 1956, Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal, sparking the Suez Crisis, in which a coalition of France, Britain, and Israel took control of the canal. Concerned about the economic and political impacts of the invasion, Eisenhower had warned the three against any such action. When they invaded anyway he used heavy financial and diplomatic pressures to force a withdrawal. In the aftermath of the crisis, Eisenhower announced the Eisenhower Doctrine, under which any country in the Middle East could request American economic assistance or aid from American military forces. The Cuban Revolution broke out during Eisenhower's second term, resulting in the replacement of pro-U.S. military dictator Fulgencio Batista with Fidel Castro. In response to the revolution, the Eisenhower administration broke ties with Cuba and Eisenhower approved a CIA operation to carry out a campaign of terrorist attacks and sabotage, kill civilians, and cause economic damage. The CIA also trained and commanded pilots to bomb civilian airfields. The CIA began preparations for an invasion of Cuba by Cuban expatriates, ultimately resulting in the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion after Eisenhower left office. Space Race Further information: Space Race In the 1970s the reverse of the Eisenhower dollar celebrated America's Moon landings, which began 11 years after NASA was created during Eisenhower's presidency Eisenhower and the CIA had known since at least January 1957, nine months before Sputnik, that Russia had the capability to launch a small payload into orbit and was likely to do so within a year.[173] Eisenhower's support of the nation's fledgling space program was officially modest until the Soviet launch of Sputnik in 1957, gaining the Cold War enemy enormous prestige. He then launched a national campaign that funded not just space exploration but a major strengthening of science and higher education. The Eisenhower administration determined to adopt a non-aggressive policy that would allow "space-crafts of any state to overfly all states, a region free of military posturing and launch Earth satellites to explore space".[174] His Open Skies Policy attempted to legitimize illegal Lockheed U-2 flyovers and Project Genetrix while paving the way for spy satellite technology to orbit over sovereign territory,[175] but Nikolai Bulganin and Nikita Khrushchev declined Eisenhower's proposal at the Geneva conference in July 1955.[176] In response to Sputnik being launched in October 1957, Eisenhower created NASA as a civilian space agency in October 1958, signed a landmark science education law, and improved relations with American scientists.[177] Fear spread through the United States that the Soviet Union would invade and spread communism, so Eisenhower wanted to not only create a surveillance satellite to detect any threats but ballistic missiles that would protect the United States. In strategic terms, it was Eisenhower who devised the American basic strategy of nuclear deterrence based upon the triad of strategic bombers, land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs).[178] NASA planners projected that human spaceflight would pull the United States ahead in the Space Race; however, in 1960, an Ad Hoc Panel on Man-in-Space concluded that "man-in-space can not be justified" and was too costly.[179] Eisenhower later resented the space program and its gargantuan price tag—he was quoted as saying, "Anyone who would spend $40 billion in a race to the moon for national prestige is nuts."[180] Korean War, Free China and Red China In late 1952, Eisenhower went to Korea and discovered a military and political stalemate. Once in office, when the Chinese People's Volunteer Army began a buildup in the Kaesong sanctuary, he considered using nuclear weapons if an armistice was not reached. Whether China was informed of the potential for nuclear force is unknown.[181] His earlier military reputation in Europe was effective with the Chinese communists.[182] The National Security Council, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Strategic Air Command (SAC) devised detailed plans for nuclear war against Red China.[183] With the death of Stalin in March 1953, Russian support for a Chinese communist hard-line weakened and China decided to compromise on the prisoner issue.[184] Eisenhower in Korea with General Chung Il-kwon, and Baik Seon-yup, 1952 In July 1953, an armistice took effect with Korea divided along approximately the same boundary as in 1950. The armistice and boundary remain in effect today. The armistice, which concluded despite opposition from Secretary Dulles, South Korean President Syngman Rhee, and also within Eisenhower's party, has been described by biographer Stephen E. Ambrose as the greatest achievement of the administration. Eisenhower had the insight to realize that unlimited war in the nuclear age was unthinkable, and limited war unwinnable.[184] A point of emphasis in Eisenhower's campaign had been his endorsement of a policy of liberation from communism as opposed to a policy of containment. This remained his preference despite the armistice with Korea.[185] Throughout his terms Eisenhower took a hard-line attitude toward China, as demanded by conservative Republicans, with the goal of driving a wedge between China and the Soviet Union.[186] Eisenhower continued Truman's policy of recognizing the Republic of China (Taiwan) as the legitimate government of China, not the Peking (Beijing) regime. There were localized flare-ups when the People's Liberation Army b

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ In this installment of the "Beyond War" series, the focus shifts to the intricate concept of "the enemy" and its pivotal role in the perpetuation of conflict. Delving into the multifaceted nature of this phenomenon, the episode navigates through the societal constructs and implications associated with identifying adversaries. Beginning with a critical examination of the overarching notion of "the enemy," the narrative explores its manipulation and exploitation within different spheres of society. Shedding light on the significance of this concept, the episode underscores its instrumental role in shaping perceptions and driving actions. Central to the discourse is the portrayal of the Cold War era, particularly the portrayal of the U.S.S.R. as the primary antagonist by American authorities. However, the narrative takes a nuanced approach by presenting insights from individual Soviet citizens, drawing from interviews conducted in both Austin and the Soviet Union itself. Through their voices, the episode offers a compelling glimpse into the diverse perspectives and experiences within the Soviet bloc. Furthermore, the episode ventures into the realm of American military interventions, particularly the prevalence of "low intensity" wars in Third World countries. Through meticulous analysis, it probes into the underlying motivations behind this fixation, unraveling the complex web of geopolitical interests and power dynamics driving such engagements. With a blend of archival footage and incisive commentary, "Beyond War. Part III: The Enemy" serves as a thought-provoking exploration of the constructs and consequences surrounding the concept of "the enemy," challenging viewers to contemplate the complexities of conflict and its enduring impact on global affairs. War is an intense armed conflict[a] between states, governments, societies, or paramilitary groups such as mercenaries, insurgents, and militias.[2] It is generally characterized by extreme violence, destruction, and mortality, using regular or irregular military forces. Warfare refers to the common activities and characteristics of types of war, or of wars in general.[3] Total war is warfare that is not restricted to purely legitimate military targets, and can result in massive civilian or other non-combatant suffering and casualties. While some war studies scholars consider war a universal and ancestral aspect of human nature,[4] others argue it is a result of specific socio-cultural, economic, or ecological circumstances.[5] Etymology Mural of War (1896), by Gari Melchers The English word war derives from the 11th-century Old English words wyrre and werre, from Old French werre (also guerre as in modern French), in turn from the Frankish *werra, ultimately deriving from the Proto-Germanic *werzō 'mixture, confusion'. The word is related to the Old Saxon werran, Old High German werran, and the modern German verwirren, meaning 'to confuse, to perplex, to bring into confusion'.[6] History Main article: Military history The percentages of men killed in war in eight tribal societies, and Europe and the U.S. in the 20th century. (Lawrence H. Keeley, archeologist) The Egyptian siege of Dapur in the 13th century BCE, from Ramesseum, Thebes. The earliest evidence of prehistoric warfare is a Mesolithic cemetery in Jebel Sahaba, which has been determined to be about 13,400 years old.[7] About forty-five percent of the skeletons there displayed signs of violent death, specifically traumatic bone lesions.[8] Since the rise of the state some 5,000 years ago,[9] military activity has occurred over much of the globe. Estimates for total deaths due to war vary wildly. For the period 3000 BCE until 1991, estimates range from 151 million to 2 billion.[10] In one estimate, primitive warfare prior to 3000 BCE has been thought to have claimed 400 million victims based on the assumption that it accounted for the 15.1% of all deaths.[11] In War Before Civilization, Lawrence H. Keeley, a professor at the University of Illinois, says approximately 90–95% of known societies throughout history engaged in at least occasional warfare,[12] and many fought constantly.[13] Keeley describes several styles of primitive combat such as small raids, large raids, and massacres. All of these forms of warfare were used by primitive societies, a finding supported by other researchers.[14] Keeley explains that early war raids were not well organized, as the participants did not have any formal training. Scarcity of resources meant defensive works were not a cost-effective way to protect the society against enemy raids.[15] William Rubinstein wrote "Pre-literate societies, even those organized in a relatively advanced way, were renowned for their studied cruelty.'"[16] The invention of gunpowder, and its eventual use in warfare, together with the acceleration of technological advances have fomented major changes to war itself. Japanese samurai attacking a Mongol ship, 13th century In Western Europe, since the late 18th century, more than 150 conflicts and about 600 battles have taken place.[17] During the 20th century, war resulted in a dramatic intensification of the pace of social changes, and was a crucial catalyst for the growth of left-wing politics.[18] Finnish soldiers during the Winter War. In 1947, in view of the rapidly increasingly destructive consequences of modern warfare, and with a particular concern for the consequences and costs of the newly developed atom bomb, Albert Einstein famously stated, "I know not with what weapons World War III will be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones."[19] Mao Zedong urged the socialist camp not to fear nuclear war with the United States since, even if "half of mankind died, the other half would remain while imperialism would be razed to the ground and the whole world would become socialist."[20] A distinctive feature of war since 1945 is that combat has largely been a matter of civil wars and insurgencies.[21] The major exceptions were the Korean War, the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, the Iran–Iraq War, the Gulf War, the Eritrean–Ethiopian War, and the Russo-Ukrainian War. American tanks moving in formation during the Gulf War. The Human Security Report 2005 documented a significant decline in the number and severity of armed conflicts since the end of the Cold War in the early 1990s. However, the evidence examined in the 2008 edition of the Center for International Development and Conflict Management's "Peace and Conflict" study indicated the overall decline in conflicts had stalled.[22] Types of warfare Main article: Types of war Asymmetric warfare is the methods used in conflicts between belligerents of drastically different levels of military capability or size.[23] Biological warfare, or germ warfare, is the use of biological infectious agents or toxins such as bacteria, viruses, and fungi against people, plants, or animals. This can be conducted through sophisticated technologies, like cluster munitions,[24] or with rudimentary techniques like catapulting an infected corpse behind enemy lines,[25] and can include weaponized or non-weaponized pathogens. Chemical warfare involves the use of weaponized chemicals in combat. Poison gas as a chemical weapon was principally used during World War I, and resulted in over a million estimated casualties, including more than 100,000 civilians.[26] Cold warfare is an intense international rivalry without direct military conflict, but with a sustained threat of it, including high levels of military preparations, expenditures, and development, and may involve active conflicts by indirect means, such as economic warfare, political warfare, covert operations, espionage, cyberwarfare, or proxy wars. Conventional warfare is a form of warfare between states in which nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons are not used or see limited deployment. Cyberwarfare involves the actions by a nation-state or international organization to attack and attempt to damage another nation's information systems. Insurgency is a rebellion against authority, when those taking part in the rebellion are not recognized as belligerents (lawful combatants). An insurgency can be fought via counterinsurgency, and may also be opposed by measures to protect the population, and by political and economic actions of various kinds aimed at undermining the insurgents' claims against the incumbent regime. Information warfare is the application of destructive force on a large scale against information assets and systems, against the computers and networks that support the four critical infrastructures (the power grid, communications, financial, and transportation).[27] Nuclear warfare is warfare in which nuclear weapons are the primary, or a major, method of achieving capitulation. Total war is warfare by any means possible, disregarding the laws of war, placing no limits on legitimate military targets, using weapons and tactics resulting in significant civilian casualties, or demanding a war effort requiring significant sacrifices by the friendly civilian population. Unconventional warfare, the opposite of conventional warfare, is an attempt to achieve military victory through acquiescence, capitulation, or clandestine support for one side of an existing conflict. Aims United States Army soldiers engaged in a firefight with Taliban insurgents during the War in Afghanistan, 2009 Entities contemplating going to war and entities considering whether to end a war may formulate war aims as an evaluation/propaganda tool. War aims may stand as a proxy for national-military resolve.[28] Definition Fried defines war aims as "the desired territorial, economic, military or other benefits expected following successful conclusion of a war".[29] Classification Tangible/intangible aims: Tangible war aims may involve (for example) the acquisition of territory (as in the German goal of Lebensraum in the first half of the 20th century) or the recognition of economic concessions (as in the Anglo-Dutch Wars). Intangible war aims – like the accumulation of credibility or reputation[30] – may have more tangible expression ("conquest restores prestige, annexation increases power").[31] Explicit/implicit aims: Explicit war aims may involve published policy decisions. Implicit war aims[32] can take the form of minutes of discussion, memoranda and instructions.[33] Positive/negative aims: "Positive war aims" cover tangible outcomes. "Negative war aims" forestall or prevent undesired outcomes.[34] War aims can change in the course of conflict and may eventually morph into "peace conditions"[35] – the minimal conditions under which a state may cease to wage a particular war. Effects Global deaths in conflicts since the year 1400.[36] Main article: Effects of war Military and civilian casualties in modern human history Disability-adjusted life year for war per 100,000 inhabitants in 2004[37] no data less than 100 100–200 200–600 600–1000 1000–1400 1400–1800 1800–2200 2200–2600 2600–3000 3000–8000 8000–8800 more than 8800 Throughout the course of human history, the average number of people dying from war has fluctuated relatively little, being about 1 to 10 people dying per 100,000. However, major wars over shorter periods have resulted in much higher casualty rates, with 100–200 casualties per 100,000 over a few years. While conventional wisdom holds that casualties have increased in recent times due to technological improvements in warfare, this is not generally true. For instance, the Thirty Years' War (1618–1648) had about the same number of casualties per capita as World War I, although it was higher during World War II (WWII). That said, overall the number of casualties from war has not significantly increased in recent times. Quite to the contrary, on a global scale the time since WWII has been unusually peaceful.[38] Largest wars by death toll Main articles: List of wars by death toll, Outline of war § Wars, and Casualty recording The deadliest war in history, in terms of the cumulative number of deaths since its start, is World War II, from 1939 to 1945, with 70–85 million deaths, followed by the Mongol conquests[39] at up to 60 million. As concerns a belligerent's losses in proportion to its prewar population, the most destructive war in modern history may have been the Paraguayan War (see Paraguayan War casualties). In 2013 war resulted in 31,000 deaths, down from 72,000 deaths in 1990.[40] War usually results in significant deterioration of infrastructure and the ecosystem, a decrease in social spending, famine, large-scale emigration from the war zone, and often the mistreatment of prisoners of war or civilians.[41][42][43] For instance, of the nine million people who were on the territory of the Byelorussian SSR in 1941, some 1.6 million were killed by the Germans in actions away from battlefields, including about 700,000 prisoners of war, 500,000 Jews, and 320,000 people counted as partisans (the vast majority of whom were unarmed civilians).[44] Another byproduct of some wars is the prevalence of propaganda by some or all parties in the conflict,[45] and increased revenues by weapons manufacturers.[46] Three of the ten most costly wars, in terms of loss of life, have been waged in the last century. These are the two World Wars, followed by the Second Sino-Japanese War (which is sometimes considered part of World War II, or as overlapping). Most of the others involved China or neighboring peoples. The death toll of World War II, being over 60 million, surpasses all other war-death-tolls.[47] Deaths (millions) Date War 70–85 1939–1945 World War II (see World War II casualties) 60 13th century Mongol Conquests (see Mongol invasions and Tatar invasions)[48][49][50] 40 1850–1864 Taiping Rebellion (see Dungan Revolt)[51] 36 755–763 An Lushan Rebellion (death toll uncertain)[52] 25 1616–1662 Qing dynasty conquest of Ming dynasty[47] 15–22 1914–1918 World War I (see World War I casualties)[53] 20 1937–1945 Second Sino-Japanese War[54] 20 1370–1405 Conquests of Tamerlane[55][56] 20.77 1862–1877 Dungan Revolt[57][58] 5–9 1917–1922 Russian Civil War and Foreign Intervention[59] On military personnel Military personnel subject to combat in war often suffer mental and physical injuries, including depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, disease, injury, and death. In every war in which American soldiers have fought in, the chances of becoming a psychiatric casualty – of being debilitated for some period of time as a consequence of the stresses of military life – were greater than the chances of being killed by enemy fire. — No More Heroes, Richard Gabriel[17] Swank and Marchand's World War II study found that after sixty days of continuous combat, 98% of all surviving military personnel will become psychiatric casualties. Psychiatric casualties manifest themselves in fatigue cases, confusional states, conversion hysteria, anxiety, obsessional and compulsive states, and character disorders.[60] One-tenth of mobilised American men were hospitalised for mental disturbances between 1942 and 1945, and after thirty-five days of uninterrupted combat, 98% of them manifested psychiatric disturbances in varying degrees. — 14–18: Understanding the Great War, Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau, Annette Becker[17] The Apotheosis of War (1871) by Vasily Vereshchagin Additionally, it has been estimated anywhere from 18% to 54% of Vietnam war veterans suffered from posttraumatic stress disorder.[60] Based on 1860 census figures, 8% of all white American males aged 13 to 43 died in the American Civil War, including about 6% in the North and approximately 18% in the South.[61] The war remains the deadliest conflict in American history, resulting in the deaths of 620,000 military personnel. United States military casualties of war since 1775 have totaled over two million. Of the 60 million European military personnel who were mobilized in World War I, 8 million were killed, 7 million were permanently disabled, and 15 million were seriously injured.[62] The remains of dead Crow Indians killed and scalped by Sioux c. 1874 During Napoleon's retreat from Moscow, more French military personnel died of typhus than were killed by the Russians.[63] Of the 450,000 soldiers who crossed the Neman on 25 June 1812, less than 40,000 returned. More military personnel were killed from 1500 to 1914 by typhus than from military action.[64] In addition, if it were not for modern medical advances there would be thousands more dead from disease and infection. For instance, during the Seven Years' War, the Royal Navy reported it conscripted 184,899 sailors, of whom 133,708 (72%) died of disease or were 'missing'.[65] It is estimated that between 1985 and 1994, 378,000 people per year died due to war.[66] On civilians See also: Civilian casualties Les Grandes Misères de la guerre depict the destruction unleashed on civilians during the Thirty Years' War. Most wars have resulted in significant loss of life, along with destruction of infrastructure and resources (which may lead to famine, disease, and death in the civilian population). During the Thirty Years' War in Europe, the population of the Holy Roman Empire was reduced by 15 to 40 percent.[67][68] Civilians in war zones may also be subject to war atrocities such as genocide, while survivors may suffer the psychological aftereffects of witnessing the destruction of war. War also results in lower quality of life and worse health outcomes. A medium-sized conflict with about 2,500 battle deaths reduces civilian life expectancy by one year and increases infant mortality by 10% and malnutrition by 3.3%. Additionally, about 1.8% of the population loses access to drinking water.[69] Most estimates of World War II casualties indicate around 60 million people died, 40 million of whom were civilians.[70] Deaths in the Soviet Union were around 27 million.[71] Since a high proportion of those killed were young men who had not yet fathered any children, population growth in the postwar Soviet Union was much lower than it otherwise would have been.[72] Economic See also: Military Keynesianism Once a war has ended, losing nations are sometimes required to pay war reparations to the victorious nations. In certain cases, land is ceded to the victorious nations. For example, the territory of Alsace-Lorraine has been traded between France and Germany on three different occasions.[73] Typically, war becomes intertwined with the economy and many wars are partially or entirely based on economic reasons. Following World War II, consensus opinion for many years amongst economists and historians was that war can stimulate a country's economy as evidenced by the U.S's emergence from the Great Depression,[74] though modern economic analysis has thrown significant doubt on these views. In most cases, such as the wars of Louis XIV, the Franco-Prussian War, and World War I, warfare primarily results in damage to the economy of the countries involved. For example, Russia's involvement in World War I took such a toll on the Russian economy that it almost collapsed and greatly contributed to the start of the Russian Revolution of 1917.[75] World War II Ruins of Warsaw's Napoleon Square in the aftermath of World War II World War II was the most financially costly conflict in history; its belligerents cumulatively spent about a trillion U.S. dollars on the war effort (as adjusted to 1940 prices).[76][77] The Great Depression of the 1930s ended as nations increased their production of war materials.[78] By the end of the war, 70% of European industrial infrastructure was destroyed.[79] Property damage in the Soviet Union inflicted by the Axis invasion was estimated at a value of 679 billion rubles. The combined damage consisted of complete or partial destruction of 1,710 cities and towns, 70,000 villages/hamlets, 2,508 church buildings, 31,850 industrial establishments, 40,000 mi (64,374 km) of railroad, 4100 railroad stations, 40,000 hospitals, 84,000 schools, and 43,000 public libraries.[80] Theories of motivation See also: International relations theory The Ottoman campaign for territorial expansion in Europe in 1566 There are many theories about the motivations for war, but no consensus about which are most common.[81] Military theorist Carl von Clausewitz said, "Every age has its own kind of war, its own limiting conditions, and its own peculiar preconceptions."[82] Psychoanalytic Dutch psychoanalyst Joost Meerloo held that, "War is often...a mass discharge of accumulated internal rage (where)...the inner fears of mankind are discharged in mass destruction."[83] Other psychoanalysts such as E.F.M. Durban and John Bowlby have argued human beings are inherently violent.[84] This aggressiveness is fueled by displacement and projection where a person transfers his or her grievances into bias and hatred against other races, religions, nations or ideologies. By this theory, the nation state preserves order in the local society while creating an outlet for aggression through warfare. The Italian psychoanalyst Franco Fornari, a follower of Melanie Klein, thought war was the paranoid or projective "elaboration" of mourning.[85] Fornari thought war and violence develop out of our "love need": our wish to preserve and defend the sacred object to which we are attached, namely our early mother and our fusion with her. For the adult, nations are the sacred objects that generate warfare. Fornari focused upon sacrifice as the essence of war: the astonishing willingness of human beings to die for their country, to give over their bodies to their nation. Despite Fornari's theory that man's altruistic desire for self-sacrifice for a noble cause is a contributing factor towards war, few wars have originated from a desire for war among the general populace.[86] Far more often the general population has been reluctantly drawn into war by its rulers. One psychological theory that looks at the leaders is advanced by Maurice Walsh.[87] He argues the general populace is more neutral towards war and wars occur when leaders with a psychologically abnormal disregard for human life are placed into power. War is caused by leaders who seek war such as Napoleon and Hitler. Such leaders most often come to power in times of crisis when the populace opts for a decisive leader, who then leads the nation to war. Naturally, the common people don't want war; neither in Russia nor in England nor in America, nor for that matter in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy or a fascist dictatorship or a Parliament or a Communist dictatorship. ... the people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same way in any country. — Hermann Göring at the Nuremberg trials, 18 April 1946[88] Evolutionary See also: Prehistoric warfare Women and priests retrieve the dead bodies of Swabian soldiers just outside the city gates of Constance after the battle of Schwaderloh. (Luzerner Schilling) Several theories concern the evolutionary origins of warfare. There are two main schools: One sees organized warfare as emerging in or after the Mesolithic as a result of complex social organization and greater population density and competition over resources; the other sees human warfare as a more ancient practice derived from common animal tendencies, such as territoriality and sexual competition.[89] The latter school argues that since warlike behavior patterns are found in many primate species such as chimpanzees,[90] as well as in many ant species,[91] group conflict may be a general feature of animal social behavior. Some proponents of the idea argue that war, while innate, has been intensified greatly by developments of technology and social organization such as weaponry and states.[92] Psychologist and linguist Steven Pinker argued that war-related behaviors may have been naturally selected in the ancestral environment due to the benefits of victory.[b] He also argued that in order to have credible deterrence against other groups (as well as on an individual level), it was important to have a reputation for retaliation, causing humans to develop instincts for revenge as well as for protecting a group's (or an individual's) reputation ("honor").[b] Increasing population and constant warfare among the Maya city-states over resources may have contributed to the eventual collapse of the Maya civilization by 900 CE. Crofoot and Wrangham have argued that warfare, if defined as group interactions in which "coalitions attempt to aggressively dominate or kill members of other groups", is a characteristic of most human societies. Those in which it has been lacking "tend to be societies that were politically dominated by their neighbors".[94] Ashley Montagu strongly denied universalistic instinctual arguments, arguing that social factors and childhood socialization are important in determining the nature and presence of warfare. Thus, he argues, warfare is not a universal human occurrence and appears to have been a historical invention, associated with certain types of human societies.[95] Montagu's argument is supported by ethnographic research conducted in societies where the concept of aggression seems to be entirely absent, e.g. the Chewong and Semai of the Malay peninsula.[96] Bobbi S. Low has observed correlation between warfare and education, noting societies where warfare is commonplace encourage their children to be more aggressive.[97] Economic Kuwaiti oil wells on fire during the Gulf War, 1 March 1991 See also: Resource war War can be seen as a growth of economic competition in a competitive international system. In this view wars begin as a pursuit of markets for natural resources and for wealth. War has also been linked to economic development by economic historians and development economists studying state-building and fiscal capacity.[98] While this theory has been applied to many conflicts, such counter arguments become less valid as the increasing mobility of capital and information level the distributions of wealth worldwide, or when considering that it is relative, not absolute, wealth differences that may fuel wars. There are those on the extreme right of the political spectrum who provide support, fascists in particular, by asserting a natural right of a strong nation to whatever the weak cannot hold by force.[99][100] Some centrist, capitalist, world leaders, including Presidents of the United States and U.S. Generals, expressed support for an economic view of war. Marxist Main article: Marxist explanations of warfare The Marxist theory of war is quasi-economic in that it states all modern wars are caused by competition for resources and markets between great (imperialist) powers, claiming these wars are a natural result of capitalism. Marxist economists Karl Kautsky, Rosa Luxemburg, Rudolf Hilferding and Vladimir Lenin theorized that imperialism was the result of capitalist countries needing new markets. Expansion of the means of production is only possible if there is a corresponding growth in consumer demand. Since the workers in a capitalist economy would be unable to fill the demand, producers must expand into non-capitalist markets to find consumers for their goods, hence driving imperialism.[101] Demographic Demographic theories can be grouped into two classes, Malthusian and youth bulge theories: Malthusian A U.S. Marine Corps helicopter on patrol in Somalia as part of the Unified Task Force, 1992 Malthusian theories see expanding population and scarce resources as a source of violent conflict. Pope Urban II in 1095, on the eve of the First Crusade, advocating Crusade as a solution to European overpopulation, said: For this land which you now inhabit, shut in on all sides by the sea and the mountain peaks, is too narrow for your large population; it scarcely furnishes food enough for its cultivators. Hence it is that you murder and devour one another, that you wage wars, and that many among you perish in civil strife. Let hatred, therefore, depart from among you; let your quarrels end. Enter upon the road to the Holy Sepulchre; wrest that land from a wicked race, and subject it to yourselves.[102] This is one of the earliest expressions of what has come to be called the Malthusian theory of war, in which wars are caused by expanding populations and limited resources. Thomas Malthus (1766–1834) wrote that populations always increase until they are limited by war, disease, or famine.[103] The violent herder–farmer conflicts in Nigeria, Mali, Sudan and other countries in the Sahel region have been exacerbated by land degradation and population growth.[104][105][106] Youth bulge Median age by country. War reduces life expectancy. A youth bulge is evident for Africa, and to a lesser extent in some countries in West Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia and Central America. According to Heinsohn, who proposed youth bulge theory in its most generalized form, a youth bulge occurs when 30 to 40 percent of the males of a nation belong to the "fighting age" cohorts from 15 to 29 years of age. It will follow periods with total fertility rates as high as 4–8 children per woman with a 15–29-year delay.[107][108] Heinsohn saw both past "Christianist" European colonialism and imperialism, as well as today's Islamist civil unrest and terrorism as results of high birth rates producing youth bulges.[109] Among prominent historical events that have been attributed to youth bulges are the role played by the historically large youth cohorts in the rebellion and revolution waves of early modern Europe, including the French Revolution of 1789,[110] and the effect of economic depression upon the largest German youth cohorts ever in explaining the rise of Nazism in Germany in the 1930s.[111] The 1994 Rwandan genocide has also been analyzed as following a massive youth bulge.[112] Youth bulge theory has been subjected to statistical analysis by the World Bank,[113] Population Action International,[114] and the Berlin Institute for Population and Development.[115] Youth bulge theories have been criticized as leading to racial, gender and age discrimination.[116] Cultural Geoffrey Parker argues that what distinguishes the "Western way of war" based in Western Europe chiefly allows historians to explain its extraordinary success in conquering most of the world after 1500: The Western way of war rests upon five principal foundations: technology, discipline, a highly aggressive military tradition, a remarkable capacity to innovate and to respond rapidly to the innovation of others and – from about 1500 onward – a unique system of war finance. The combination of all five provided a formula for military success....The outcome of wars has been determined less by technology, then by better war plans, the achievement of surprise, greater economic strength, and above all superior discipline.[117] Parker argues that Western armies were stronger because they emphasized discipline, that is, "the ability of a formation to stand fast in the face of the enemy, where they're attacking or being attacked, without giving way to the natural impulse of fear and panic." Discipline came from drills and marching in formation, target practice, and creating small "artificial kinship groups: such as the company and the platoon, to enhance psychological cohesion and combat efficiency.[118] Rationalist U.S. Marines directing a concentration of fire at their opponents during the Vietnam War, 8 May 1968 Rationalism is an international relations theory or framework. Rationalism (and Neorealism (international relations)) operate under the assumption that states or international actors are rational, seek the best possible outcomes for themselves, and desire to avoid the costs of war.[119] Under one game theory approach, rationalist theories posit all actors can bargain, would be better off if war did not occur, and likewise seek to understand why war nonetheless reoccurs. Under another rationalist game theory without bargaining, the peace war game, optimal strategies can still be found that depend upon number of iterations played. In "Rationalist Explanations for War", James Fearon examined three rationalist explanations for why some countries engage in war: Issue indivisibilities Incentives to misrepresent or information asymmetry Commitment problems[119] "Issue indivisibility" occurs when the two parties cannot avoid war by bargaining, because the thing over which they are fighting cannot be shared between them, but only owned entirely by one side or the other. "Information asymmetry with incentives to misrepresent" occurs when two countries have secrets about their individual capabilities, and do not agree on either: who would win a war between them, or the magnitude of state's victory or loss. For instance, Geoffrey Blainey argues that war is a result of miscalculation of strength. He cites historical examples of war and demonstrates, "war is usually the outcome of a diplomatic crisis which cannot be solved because both sides have conflicting estimates of their bargaining power."[120] Thirdly, bargaining may fail due to the states' inability to make credible commitments.[121] Within the rationalist tradition, some theorists have suggested that individuals engaged in war suffer a normal level of cognitive bias,[122] but are still "as rational as you and me".[123] According to philosopher Iain King, "Most instigators of conflict overrate their chances of success, while most participants underrate their chances of injury...."[124] King asserts that "Most catastrophic military decisions are rooted in groupthink" which is faulty, but still rational.[125] The rationalist theory focused around bargaining, which is currently under debate. The Iraq War proved to be an anomaly that undercuts the validity of applying rationalist theory to some wars.[126] Political science The statistical analysis of war was pioneered by Lewis Fry Richardson following World War I. More recent databases of wars and armed conflict have been assembled by the Correlates of War Project, Peter Brecke and the Uppsala Conflict Data Program.[127] The following subsections consider causes of war from system, societal, and individual levels of analysis. This kind of division was first proposed by Kenneth Waltz in Man, the State, and War and has been often used by political scientists since then.[128]: 143  System-level There are several different international relations theory schools. Supporters of realism in international relations argue that the motivation of states is the quest for security, and conflicts can arise from the inability to distinguish defense from offense, which is called the security dilemma.[128]: 145  Within the realist school as represented by scholars such as Henry Kissinger and Hans Morgenthau, and the neorealist school represented by scholars such as Kenneth Waltz and John Mearsheimer, two main sub-theories are: Balance of power theory: States have the goal of preventing a single state from becoming a hegemon, and war is the result of the would-be hegemon's persistent attempts at power acquisition. In this view, an international system with more equal distribution of power is more stable, and "movements toward unipolarity are destabilizing."[128]: 147  However, evidence has shown power polarity is not actually a major factor in the occurrence of wars.[128]: 147–48  Power transition theory: Hegemons impose stabilizing conditions on the world order, but they eventually decline, and war occurs when a declining hegemon is challenged by another rising power or aims to pre-emptively suppress them.[128]: 148  On this view, unlike for balance-of-power theory, wars become more probable when power is more equally distributed. This "power preponderance" hypothesis has empirical support.[128]: 148  The two theories are not mutually exclusive and may be used to explain disparate events according to the circumstance.[128]: 148  Liberalism as it relates to international relations emphasizes factors such as trade, and its role in disincentivizing conflict which will damage economic relations. Realists[who?] respond that military force may sometimes be at least as effective as trade at achieving economic benefits, especially historically if not as much today.[128]: 149  Furthermore, trade relations which result in a high level of dependency may escalate tensions and lead to conflict.[128]: 150  Empirical data on the relationship of trade to peace are mixed, and moreover, some evidence suggests countries at war do not necessarily trade less with each other.[128]: 150  Societal-level Diversionary theory, also known as the "scapegoat hypothesis", suggests the politically powerful may use war to as a diversion or to rally domestic popular support.[128]: 152  This is supported by literature showing out-group hostility enhances in-group bonding, and a significant domestic "rally effect" has been demonstrated when conflicts begin.[128]: 152–13  However, studies examining the increased use of force as a function of need for internal political support are more mixed.[128]: 152–53  U.S. war-time presidential popularity surveys taken during the presidencies of several recent U.S. leaders have supported diversionary theory.[129] Individual-level These theories suggest differences in people's personalities, decision-making, emotions, belief systems, and biases are important in determining whether conflicts get out of hand.[128]: 157  For instance, it has been proposed that conflict is modulated by bounded rationality and various cognitive biases,[128]: 157  such as prospect theory.[130] Ethics Morning after the Battle of Waterloo, by John Heaviside Clark, 1816 The morality of war has been the subject of debate for thousands of years.[131] The two principal aspects of ethics in war, according to the just war theory, are jus ad bellum and jus in bello.[132] Jus ad bellum (right to war), dictates which unfriendly acts and circumstances justify a proper authority in declaring war on another nation. There are six main criteria for the declaration of a just war: first, any just war must be declared by a lawful authority; second, it must be a just and righteous cause, with sufficient gravity to merit large-scale violence; third, the just belligerent must have rightful intentions – namely, that they seek to advance good and curtail evil; fourth, a just belligerent must have a reasonable chance of success; fifth, the war must be a last resort; and sixth, the ends being sought must be proportional to means being used.[133][134] In besieged Leningrad. "Hitler ordered that Moscow and Leningrad were to be razed to the ground; their inhabitants were to be annihilated or driven out by starvation. These intentions were part of the 'General Plan East'." – The Oxford Companion to World War II.[135] Jus in bello (right in war), is the set of ethical rules when conducting war. The two main principles are proportionality and discrimination. Proportionality regards how much force is necessary and morally appropriate to the ends being sought and the injustice suffered.[136] The principle of discrimination determines who are the legitimate targets in a war, and specifically makes a separation between combatants, who it is permissible to kill, and non-combatants, who it is not.[136] Failure to follow these rules can result in the loss of legitimacy for the just-war-belligerent.[137] The just war theory was foundational in the creation of the United Nations and in international law's regulations on legitimate war.[131] Lewis Coser, an American conflict theorist and sociologist, argued conflict provides a function and a process whereby a succession of new equilibriums are created. Thus, the struggle of opposing forces, rather than being disruptive, may be a means of balancing and maintaining a social structure or society.[138] Limiting and stopping Anti-war rally in Washington, D.C., 15 March 2003 Main article: Anti-war movement Religious groups have long formally opposed or sought to limit war as in the Second Vatican Council document Gaudiem et Spes: "Any act of war aimed indiscriminately at the destruction of entire cities of extensive areas along with their population is a crime against God and man himself. It merits unequivocal and unhesitating condemnation."[139] Anti-war movements have existed for every major war in the 20th century, including, most prominently, World War I, World War II, and the Vietnam War. In the 21st century, worldwide anti-war movements occurred in response to the United States invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq. Protests opposing the War in Afghanistan occurred in Europe, Asia, and the United States. Pauses During a war, brief pauses of violence may be called for, and further agreed to – ceasefire, temporary cessation, humanitarian pauses and corridors, days of tranquility, de-confliction arrangements.[140] There are a number of disadvantages, obstacles and hesitations against implementing such pauses such as a humanitarian corridor.[141][142] Pauses in conflict can also be ill-advised, for reasons such as "delay of defeat" and the "weakening of credibility".[143] Natural causes for a pause may include events such as the 2019 coronavirus pandemic.[144][145] See also Outline of war Grey-zone (international relations) Notes The term "armed conflict" is used instead of, or in addition to, the term "war" with the former being more general in scope. The International Committee of the Red Cross differentiates between international and non-international armed conflict in their definition, "International armed conflicts exist whenever there is resort to armed force between two or more States.... Non-international armed conflicts are protracted armed confrontations occurring between governmental armed forces and the forces of one or more armed groups, or between such groups arising on the territory of a State [party to the Geneva Conventions]. The armed confrontation must reach a minimum level of intensity and the parties involved in the conflict must show a minimum of organisation."[1] The argument is made from pages 314 to 332 of The Blank Slate.[93] Relevant quotes include on p332 "The first step in understanding violence is to set aside our abhorrence of it long enough to examine why it can sometimes pay off in evolutionary terms.", "Natural selection is powered by competition, which means that the products of natural selection – survival machines, in Richard Dawkins metaphor – should, by default, do whatever helps them survive and reproduce.". On p323 "If an obstacle stands in the way of something an organism needs, it should neutralize the obstacle by disabling or eliminating it.", "Another human obstacle consists of men monopolozing women who could otherwise be taken as wives.", "The competition can be violent". On p324 "So people have invented, and perhaps evolved, an alternate defense: the advertised deterrence policy known as lex talionis, the law of retaliation, familiar from the biblical injunction "An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." If you can credibly say to potential adversaries, "We won't attack first, but if we are attacked, we will survive and strike back," you removee Hobbes's first two incentives for quarrel, gain and mistrust.". On p326 "Also necessary for vengeance to work as a deterrent is that the willingness to pursue it be made public, because the whole point of deterrence is to give would-be attackers second thoughts beforehand. And this brings us to Hobbes's final reason for quarrel. Thirdly, glory – though a more accurate word would be "honor"." References "How is the Term "Armed Conflict" Defined in International Humanitarian Law?" (PDF). International Committee of the Red Cross. March 2008. Archived (PDF) from the original on 1 November 2018. 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"A state with greater military capacity than its adversary is more likely to prevail in wars with 'total' war aims – the overthrow of a foreign government or annexation of territory – than in wars with more limited objectives." Fried, Marvin Benjamin (1 July 2014). Austro-Hungarian War Aims in the Balkans During World War I. Palgrave Macmillan (published 2014). p. 4. ISBN 978-1137359018. Archived from the original on 17 October 2015. Retrieved 24 August 2015. "War aims are the desired territorial, economic, military or other benefits expected following successful conclusion of a war." Welch distinguishes: "tangible goods such as arms, wealth, and – provided they are strategically or economically valuable – territory and resources" from "intangible goods such as credibility and reputation" – Welch, David A. (1995). Justice and the Genesis of War. Cambridge Studies in International Relations. Cambridge University Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-0521558686. Archived from the original on 18 September 2015. Retrieved 24 August 2015. Fried, Marvin Benjamin (1 July 2014). Austro-Hungarian War Aims in the Balkans During World War I. Palgrave Macmillan (published 2014). p. 4. ISBN 978-1137359018. Archived from the original on 17 October 2015. Retrieved 24 August 2015. "Intangibles, such as prestige or power, can also represent war aims, though often (albeit not always) their achievement is framed within a more tangible context (e.g. conquest restores prestige, annexation increases power, etc.)." Compare:Katwala, Sunder (13 February 2005). "Churchill by Paul Addison". Books. The Guardian. Guardian News and Media Limited. Archived from the original on 28 September 2016. Retrieved 24 August 2015. "[Churchill] took office and declared he had 'not become the King's First Minister to oversee the liquidation of the British empire'. [...] His view was that an Anglo-American English-speaking alliance would seek to preserve the empire, though ending it was among Roosevelt's implicit war aims." Compare Fried, Marvin Benjamin (1 July 2014). Austro-Hungarian War Aims in the Balkans During World War I. Palgrave Macmillan (published 2014). p. 4. ISBN 978-1137359018. Archived from the original on 17 October 2015. Retrieved 24 August 2015. "At times, war aims were explicitly stated internally or externally in a policy decision, while at other times [...] the war aims were merely discussed but not published, remaining instead in the form of memoranda or instructions." Fried, Marvin Benjamin (1 July 2015). "'A Life and Death Question': Austro-Hungarian War Aims in the First World War". In Afflerbach, Holger (ed.). The Purpose of the First World War: War Aims and Military Strategies. Schriften des Historischen Kollegs. Vol. 91. Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter GmbH (published 2015). p. 118. ISBN 978-3110443486. Archived from the original on 16 October 2015. Retrieved 24 August 2015. "[T]he [Austrian] Foreign Ministry [...] and the Military High Command [...] were in agreement that political and military hegemony over Serbia and the Western Balkans was a vital war aim. The Hungarian Prime Minister István Count Tisza, by contrast, was more preoccupied with so-called 'negative war aims', notably warding off hostile Romanian, Italian, and even Bulgarian intervention." Haase, Hugo (1932). "The Debate in the Reichstag on Internal Political Conditions, April 5–6, 1916". In Lutz, Ralph Haswell (ed.). Fall of the German Empire, 1914–1918. Hoover War Library publications. Stanford University Press. p. 233. ISBN 978-0804723800. Archived from the original on 25 October 2015. Retrieved 25 August 2015. "Gentlemen, when it comes time to formulate peace conditions, it is time to think of another thing than war aims." Roser, Max (15 November 2017). "War and Peace". Our World in Data. 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Retrieved 31 March 2019. Helgerson, John L. (2002): "The National Security Implications of Global Demographic Trends"[1] Archived 10 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine Heinsohn, G. (2006): "Demography and War" (online) Archived 12 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine Heinsohn, G. (2005): "Population, Conquest and Terror in the 21st Century" (online) Archived 13 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine Jack A. Goldstone (1993). Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-08267-0. Archived from the original on 26 May 2013. Retrieved 31 May 2012. Moller, Herbert (1968): 'Youth as a Force in the Modern World', Comparative Studies in Society and History 10: 238–60; 240–44 Diessenbacher, Hartmut (1994): Kriege der Zukunft: Die Bevölkerungsexplosion gefährdet den Frieden. Muenchen: Hanser 1998; see also (criticizing youth bulge theory) Marc Sommers (2006): "Fearing Africa's Young Men: The Case of Rwanda." The World Bank: Social Development Papers – Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction, Paper No.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Richard Nixon's tenure as the 37th president of the United States began with his first inauguration on January 20, 1969, and ended when he resigned on August 9, 1974, in the face of almost certain impeachment and removal from office, the only U.S. president ever to do so. He was succeeded by Gerald Ford, whom he had appointed vice president after Spiro Agnew became embroiled in a separate corruption scandal and was forced to resign. Nixon, a prominent member of the Republican Party from California who previously served as vice president under Dwight D. Eisenhower, took office following the 1968 presidential election, in which he defeated Hubert Humphrey, the then-incumbent vice president. Although he had built his reputation as a very active Republican campaigner, Nixon downplayed partisanship in his 1972 landslide reelection. Nixon's primary focus while in office was on foreign affairs. He focused on détente with the People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union, easing Cold War tensions with both countries. As part of this policy, Nixon signed the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and SALT I, two landmark arms control treaties with the Soviet Union. Nixon promulgated the Nixon Doctrine, which called for indirect assistance by the United States rather than direct U.S. commitments as seen in the ongoing Vietnam War. After extensive negotiations with North Vietnam, Nixon withdrew the last U.S. soldiers from South Vietnam in 1973, ending the military draft that same year. To prevent the possibility of further U.S. intervention in Vietnam, Congress passed the War Powers Resolution over Nixon's veto. In domestic affairs, Nixon advocated a policy of "New Federalism," in which federal powers and responsibilities would be shifted to the states. However, he faced a Democratic Congress that did not share his goals and, in some cases, enacted legislation over his veto. Nixon's proposed reform of federal welfare programs did not pass Congress, but Congress did adopt one aspect of his proposal in the form of Supplemental Security Income, which provides aid to low-income individuals who are aged or disabled. The Nixon administration adopted a "low profile" on school desegregation, but the administration enforced court desegregation orders and implemented the first affirmative action plan in the United States. Nixon also presided over the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency and the passage of major environmental laws like the Clean Water Act, although that law was vetoed by Nixon and passed by override. Economically, the Nixon years saw the start of a period of "stagflation" that would continue into the 1970s. Nixon was far ahead in the polls in the 1972 presidential election, but during the campaign, Nixon operatives conducted several illegal operations designed to undermine the opposition. They were exposed when the break-in of the Democratic National Committee Headquarters ended in the arrest of five burglars and gave rise to a congressional investigation. Nixon denied any involvement in the break in, but, after a tape emerged revealing that Nixon had known about the White House connection to the Watergate burglaries shortly after they occurred, the House of Representatives initiated impeachment proceedings. Facing removal by Congress, Nixon resigned from office. Though some scholars believe that Nixon "has been excessively maligned for his faults and inadequately recognised for his virtues",[2] Nixon is generally ranked as a below average president in surveys of historians and political scientists.[3][4][5] 1968 election Main articles: Richard Nixon 1968 presidential campaign and 1968 United States presidential election Further information: 1968 United States elections, 1968 Republican Party presidential primaries, and 1968 Republican National Convention Republican nomination Richard Nixon had served as vice president from 1953 to 1961, and had been defeated in the 1960 presidential election by John F. Kennedy. In the years after his defeat, Nixon established himself as an important party leader who appealed to both moderates and conservatives.[6] Nixon entered the race for the 1968 Republican presidential nomination confident that, with the Democrats torn apart over the war in Vietnam, a Republican had a good chance of winning the presidency in November, although he expected the election to be as close as in 1960.[7] One year prior to the 1968 Republican National Convention the early favorite for the party's presidential nomination was Michigan governor George Romney, but Romney's campaign foundered on the issue of the Vietnam War.[8] Nixon established himself as the clear front-runner after a series of early primary victories. His chief rivals for the nomination were Governor Ronald Reagan of California, who commanded the loyalty of many conservatives, and Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York, who had a strong following among party moderates.[9] At the August Republican National Convention in Miami Beach, Florida, Reagan and Rockefeller discussed joining forces in a stop-Nixon movement, but the coalition never materialized and Nixon secured the nomination on the first ballot.[10] He selected Governor Spiro Agnew of Maryland as his running mate, a choice which Nixon believed would unite the party by appealing to both Northern moderates and Southerners disaffected with the Democrats.[11] The choice of Agnew was poorly received by many; a Washington Post editorial described Agnew as "the most eccentric political appointment since the Roman Emperor Caligula named his horse a consul.[12] In his acceptance speech, Nixon articulated a message of hope, stating, "We extend the hand of friendship to all people... And we work toward the goal of an open world, open sky, open cities, open hearts, open minds."[13] General election Main article: 1968 United States presidential election 1968 electoral vote results; Nixon won the presidency with 301 electoral college votes in a three-way race against Democrat nominee Hubert Humphrey and American Independent Party candidate George Wallace. At the start of 1967, most Democrats expected that President Lyndon B. Johnson would be re-nominated. Those expectations were shattered by Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota, who centered his campaign on opposition to Johnson's policies on the Vietnam War.[14] McCarthy narrowly lost to Johnson in the first Democratic Party primary on March 12 in New Hampshire, and the closeness of the results startled the party establishment and spurred Senator Robert F. Kennedy of New York to enter the race. Two weeks later, Johnson told a stunned nation that he would not seek a second term. In the weeks that followed, much of the momentum that had been moving the McCarthy campaign forward shifted toward Kennedy.[15] Vice President Hubert Humphrey declared his own candidacy, drawing support from many of Johnson's supporters. Kennedy was assassinated by Sirhan Sirhan in June 1968, leaving Humphrey and McCarthy as the two remaining major candidates in the race.[16] Humphrey won the presidential nomination at the August Democratic National Convention in Chicago, and Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine was selected as his running mate. Outside the convention hall, thousands of young antiwar activists who had gathered to protest the Vietnam War clashed violently with police. The mayhem, which had been broadcast to the world in television, crippled the Humphrey campaign. Post-convention Labor Day surveys had Humphrey trailing Nixon by more than 20 percentage points.[17] In addition to Nixon and Humphrey, the race was joined by former Democratic Governor George Wallace of Alabama, a vocal segregationist who ran on the American Independent Party ticket. Wallace held little hope of winning the election outright, but he hoped to deny either major party candidate a majority of the electoral vote, thus sending the election to the House of Representatives, where segregationist congressmen could extract concessions for their support.[18] The assassinations of Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr., combined with disaffection towards the Vietnam War, the disturbances at the Democratic National Convention, and a series of city riots in various cities, made 1968 the most tumultuous year of the decade.[19] Throughout the year, Nixon portrayed himself as a figure of stability during a period of national unrest and upheaval.[20] He appealed to what he later called the "silent majority" of socially conservative Americans who disliked the 1960s counterculture and the anti-war demonstrators.[21] Nixon waged a prominent television advertising campaign, meeting with supporters in front of cameras.[22] He promised "peace with honor" in the Vietnam War but did not release specifics of how he would accomplish this goal, resulting in media intimations that he must have a "secret plan".[23] Humphrey's polling position improved in the final weeks of the campaign as he distanced himself from Johnson's Vietnam policies.[24] Johnson sought to conclude a peace agreement with North Vietnam in the week before the election; controversy remains over whether the Nixon campaign interfered with any ongoing negotiations between the Johnson administration and the South Vietnamese by engaging Anna Chennault, a prominent Chinese-American fundraiser for the Republican party.[25] Whether or not Nixon had any involvement, the peace talks collapsed shortly before the election, blunting Humphrey's momentum.[24] On election day, Nixon defeated Humphrey by about 500,000 votes, 43.4% to 42.7%; Wallace received 13.5% of the vote. Nixon secured 301 electoral votes to Humphrey's 191 and 46 for Wallace.[17][26] Nixon gained the support of many white ethnic and Southern white voters who traditionally had supported the Democratic Party, but he lost ground among African American voters.[27] In his victory speech, Nixon pledged that his administration would try to bring the divided nation together.[28] Despite Nixon's victory, Republicans failed to win control of either the House or the Senate in the concurrent congressional elections.[27] Administration See also: Presidential transition of Richard Nixon Cabinet President Nixon and his cabinet at the White House in June 1972 The Nixon cabinet Office Name Term President Richard Nixon 1969–1974 Vice President Spiro Agnew 1969–1973 none 1973 Gerald Ford 1973–1974 Secretary of State William P. Rogers 1969–1973 Henry Kissinger 1973–1974 Secretary of the Treasury David M. Kennedy 1969–1971 John Connally 1971–1972 George Shultz 1972–1974 William E. Simon 1974 Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird 1969–1973 Elliot Richardson 1973 James R. Schlesinger 1973–1974 Attorney General John N. Mitchell 1969–1972 Richard Kleindienst 1972–1973 Elliot Richardson 1973 William B. Saxbe 1974 Postmaster General Winton M. Blount 1969–1971 Secretary of the Interior Wally Hickel 1969–1970 Rogers Morton 1971–1974 Secretary of Agriculture Clifford M. Hardin 1969–1971 Earl Butz 1971–1974 Secretary of Commerce Maurice Stans 1969–1972 Peter G. Peterson 1972–1973 Frederick B. Dent 1973–1974 Secretary of Labor George Shultz 1969–1970 James Day Hodgson 1970–1973 Peter J. Brennan 1973–1974 Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare Robert Finch 1969–1970 Elliot Richardson 1970–1973 Caspar Weinberger 1973–1974 Secretary of Housing and Urban Development George W. Romney 1969–1973 James T. Lynn 1973–1974 Secretary of Transportation John Volpe 1969–1973 Claude Brinegar 1973–1974 Director of the Bureau of the Budget Robert P. Mayo 1969–1970 Director of the Office of Management and Budget George Shultz 1970–1972 Caspar Weinberger 1972–1973 Roy Ash 1973–1974 Ambassador to the United Nations Charles Yost 1969–1971 George H. W. Bush 1971–1973 John A. Scali 1973–1974 Counselor to the President Arthur F. Burns 1969 Daniel Patrick Moynihan 1969–1970 Bryce Harlow 1969–1970 Robert Finch 1970–1972 Donald Rumsfeld 1970–1971 Anne Armstrong 1973–1974 Dean Burch 1974 Kenneth Rush 1974 For the major decisions of his presidency, Nixon relied on the Executive Office of the President rather than his Cabinet. Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman and adviser John Ehrlichman emerged as his two most influential staffers regarding domestic affairs, and much of Nixon's interaction with other staff members was conducted through Haldeman.[29] Early in Nixon's tenure, conservative economist Arthur F. Burns and liberal former Johnson administration official Daniel Patrick Moynihan served as important advisers, but both had left the White House by the end of 1970.[30] Conservative attorney Charles Colson also emerged as an important adviser after he joined the administration in late 1969.[31] Unlike many of his fellow Cabinet members, Attorney General John N. Mitchell held sway within the White House, and Mitchell led the search for Supreme Court nominees.[32] In foreign affairs, Nixon enhanced the importance of the National Security Council, which was led by National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger.[29] Nixon's first Secretary of State, William P. Rogers, was largely sidelined during his tenure, and in 1973, Kissinger succeeded Rogers as Secretary of State while continuing to serve as National Security Advisor. Nixon presided over the reorganization of the Bureau of the Budget into the more powerful Office of Management and Budget, further concentrating executive power in the White House.[29] He also created the Domestic Council, an organization charged with coordinating and formulating domestic policy.[33] Nixon attempted to centralize control over the intelligence agencies, but he was generally unsuccessful, in part due to pushback from FBI director J. Edgar Hoover.[34] Despite his centralization of power in the White House, Nixon allowed his cabinet officials great leeway in setting domestic policy in subjects he was not strongly interested in, such as environmental policy.[35] In a 1970 memo to top aides, he stated that in domestic areas other than crime, school integration, and economic issues, "I am only interested when we make a major breakthrough or have a major failure. Otherwise don't bother me."[36] Nixon recruited former campaign rival George Romney to serve as the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, but Romney and Secretary of Transportation John Volpe quickly fell out of favor as Nixon attempted to cut the budgets of their respective departments.[37] Nixon did not appoint any female or African American cabinet officials, although Nixon did offer a cabinet position to civil rights leader Whitney Young.[38] Nixon's initial cabinet also contained an unusually small number of Ivy League graduates, with the notable exceptions of George P. Shultz and Elliot Richardson, who each held three different cabinet positions during Nixon's presidency.[39] Nixon attempted to recruit a prominent Democrat like Humphrey or Sargent Shriver into his administration, but was unsuccessful until early 1971, when former Governor John Connally of Texas became Secretary of the Treasury.[38] Connally would become one of the most powerful members of the cabinet and coordinated the administration's economic policies.[40] In 1973, as the Watergate scandal came to light, Nixon accepted the resignations of Haldeman, Erlichman, and Mitchell's successor as Attorney General, Richard Kleindienst.[41] Haldeman was succeeded by Alexander Haig, who became the dominant figure in the White House during the last months of Nixon's presidency.[42] Vice presidency As the Watergate scandal heated up in mid-1973, Vice President Spiro Agnew became a target in an unrelated investigation of corruption in Baltimore County, Maryland of public officials and architects, engineering, and paving contractors. He was accused of accepting kickbacks in exchange for contracts while serving as Baltimore County Executive, then when he was Governor of Maryland and Vice President.[43] On October 10, 1973, Agnew pleaded no contest to tax evasion and became the second Vice President after John C. Calhoun to resign from office.[43] Nixon used his authority under the 25th Amendment to nominate Gerald Ford for vice president. The well-respected Ford was confirmed by Congress and took office on December 6, 1973.[44][45] This represented the first time that an intra-term vacancy in the office of vice president was filled. The Speaker of the House, Carl Albert from Oklahoma, was next in line to the presidency during the 57-day vacancy. Judicial appointments Further information: Richard Nixon Supreme Court candidates, List of federal judges appointed by Richard Nixon, and Richard Nixon judicial appointment controversies Nixon nominated Warren E. Burger as the 15th Chief Justice of the United States in May 1969; Burger was confirmed to the position by the U.S. Senate by a 74–3 vote on June 9, 1969. Nixon made four successful appointments to the Supreme Court while in office, shifting the Court in a more conservative direction following the era of the liberal Warren Court.[46] Nixon took office with one pending vacancy, as the Senate had rejected President Johnson's nomination of Associate Justice Abe Fortas to succeed retiring Chief Justice Earl Warren. Months after taking office, Nixon nominated federal appellate judge Warren E. Burger to succeed Warren, and the U.S. Senate quickly confirmed him. Another vacancy arose in 1969 after Fortas resigned from Court, partially due to pressure from Attorney General Mitchell and other Republicans who criticized him for accepting compensation from financier Louis Wolfson.[47] To replace Fortas, Nixon successively nominated two Southern federal appellate judges, Clement Haynsworth and G. Harrold Carswell, but both were rejected by the Senate. Nixon then nominated federal appellate judge Harry Blackmun, who was confirmed by the Senate in 1970.[48] The retirements of Hugo Black and John Marshall Harlan II created two Supreme Court vacancies in late 1971. One of Nixon's nominees, corporate attorney Lewis F. Powell Jr., was easily confirmed. Nixon's other 1971 Supreme Court nominee, Assistant Attorney General William Rehnquist, faced significant resistance from liberal Senators, but he was ultimately confirmed.[48] Burger, Powell, and Rehnquist all compiled a conservative voting record on the Court, while Blackmun moved to the left during his tenure. Rehnquist would later succeed Burger as chief justice in 1986.[46] Nixon appointed a total of 231 federal judges, surpassing the previous record of 193 set by Franklin D. Roosevelt. In addition to his four Supreme Court appointments, Nixon appointed 46 judges to the United States Courts of Appeals, and 181 judges to the United States district courts. Domestic affairs Economy Further information: Nixon Shock and 1970s energy crisis Federal finances and GDP during Nixon's presidency[49] Fiscal Year Receipts Outlays Surplus/ Deficit GDP Debt as a % of GDP[50] 1969 186.9 183.6 3.2 980.3 28.4 1970 192.8 195.6 −2.8 1,046.7 27.1 1971 187.1 210.2 −23.0 1,116.6 27.1 1972 207.3 230.7 −23.4 1,216.3 26.5 1973 230.8 245.7 −14.9 1,352.7 25.2 1974 263.2 269.4 −6.1 1,482.9 23.2 1975 279.1 332.3 −53.2 1,606.9 24.6 Ref. [51] [52] [53] When Nixon took office in January 1969, the inflation rate had reached 4.7%, the highest rate since the Korean War. Johnson's Great Society programs and the Vietnam War effort had resulted in large budget deficits. There was little unemployment,[54] but interest rates were at their highest in a century.[55] Nixon's major economic goal was to reduce inflation; the most obvious means of doing so was to end the war.[55] As the war continued, the administration adopted a policy of restricting the growth of the money supply to address the inflation problem. In February 1970, as a part of the effort to keep federal spending down, Nixon delayed pay raises to federal employees by six months. When the nation's postal workers went on strike, he used the army to keep the postal system going. In the end, the government met the postal workers' wage demands, undoing some of the desired budget-balancing.[56] In December 1969, Nixon somewhat reluctantly signed the Tax Reform Act of 1969 despite its inflationary provisions; the act established the alternative minimum tax, which applied to wealthy individuals who used deductions to limit their tax liabilities.[57] In 1970, Congress granted the president the power to impose wage and price controls, though the Democratic congressional leadership, knowing Nixon had opposed such controls through his career, did not expect Nixon to actually use the authority.[58] With inflation unresolved by August 1971, and an election year looming, Nixon convened a summit of his economic advisers at Camp David. He then announced temporary wage and price controls, allowed the dollar to float against other currencies, and ended the convertibility of the dollar into gold.[59] Nixon's monetary policies effectively took the United States off the gold standard and brought an end to the Bretton Woods system, a post-war international fixed exchange-rate system. Nixon believed that this system negatively affected the U.S. balance of trade; the U.S. had experienced its first negative balance of trade of the 20th century in 1971.[60] Bowles points out, "by identifying himself with a policy whose purpose was inflation's defeat, Nixon made it difficult for Democratic opponents ... to criticize him. His opponents could offer no alternative policy that was either plausible or believable since the one they favored was one they had designed but which the president had appropriated for himself."[58] Nixon's policies dampened inflation in 1972, but their aftereffects contributed to inflation during his second term and into the Ford administration.[59] As Nixon began his second term, the economy was plagued by a stock market crash, a surge in inflation, and the 1973 oil crisis.[61] With the legislation authorizing price controls set to expire on April 30, the Senate Democratic Caucus recommended a 90-day freeze on all profits, interest rates, and prices.[62] Nixon re-imposed price controls in June 1973, echoing his 1971 plan, as food prices rose; this time, he focused on agricultural exports and limited the freeze to 60 days.[62] The price controls became unpopular with the public and business people, who saw powerful labor unions as preferable to the price board bureaucracy.[62] Business owners, however, now saw the controls as permanent rather than temporary, and voluntary compliance among small businesses decreased.[62] The controls and the accompanying food shortages—as meat disappeared from grocery stores and farmers drowned chickens rather than sell them at a loss—only fueled more inflation.[62] Despite their failure to rein in inflation, controls were slowly ended, and on April 30, 1974, their statutory authorization lapsed.[62] Between Nixon's accession to office and his resignation in August 1974, unemployment rates had risen from 3.5% to 5.6%, and the rate of inflation had grown from 4.7% to 8.7%.[61] Observers coined a new term for the undesirable combination of unemployment and inflation: "stagflation," a phenomenon that would worsen after Nixon left office.[63] Social programs Further information: Liberalism in the United States Welfare President Nixon and his cabinet in the White House in March 1971 One of Nixon's major promises in the 1968 campaign was to address what he described as the "welfare mess." The number of individuals enrolled in the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program had risen from 3 million in 1960 to 8.4 million in 1970, contributing to a drop in poverty. However, many Americans, particularly conservatives, believed that welfare programs discouraged individuals from finding employment; conservatives also derided "welfare queens" who they alleged collected excessive amounts of welfare benefits.[64] On taking office, Nixon established the Council of Urban Affairs, under the leadership of Daniel Patrick Moynihan, to develop a welfare reform proposal. Moynihan's proposed plan centered on replacing welfare programs with a negative income tax, which would provide a guaranteed minimum income to all Americans. Nixon became closely involved in the proposal and, despite opposition from Arthur Burns and other conservatives, adopted Moynihan's plan as the central legislative proposal of his first year in office. In an August 1969 televised address, Nixon proposed the Family Assistance Plan (FAP), which would establish a national income floor of $1600 per year for a family of four.[65] Public response to the FAP was highly favorable, but it faced strong opposition in Congress, partly due to the lack of congressional involvement in the drafting of the proposal. Many conservatives opposed the establishment of the national income floor, while many liberals believed that the floor was too low. Though the FAP passed the House, the bill died in the Senate Finance Committee in May 1970.[66] Though Nixon's overall proposal failed, Congress did adopt one aspect of the FAP, as it voted to establish the Supplemental Security Income program, which provides aid to low-income individuals who are aged or disabled.[67] Determined to dismantle much of Johnson's Great Society and its accompanying federal bureaucracy, Nixon defunded or abolished several programs, including the Office of Economic Opportunity, the Job Corps, and the Model Cities Program.[68] Nixon advocated a "New Federalism", which would devolve power to state and local elected officials, but Congress was hostile to these ideas and enacted only a few of them.[69] During Nixon's tenure, spending on Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid all increased dramatically.[67] Total spending on social insurance programs grew from $27.3 billion in 1969 to $67.4 billion in 1975, while the poverty rate dropped from 12.8 percent in 1968 to 11.1 percent in 1973.[70] Healthcare In August 1970, Democratic Senator Ted Kennedy introduced legislation to establish a single-payer universal health care system financed by taxes and with no cost sharing.[71] In February 1971, Nixon proposed a more limited package of health care reform, consisting of an employee mandate to offer private health insurance if employees volunteered to pay 25 percent of premiums, the federalization of Medicaid for poor families with dependent minor children, and support for health maintenance organizations (HMOs).[72] This market-based system would, Nixon argued, "build on the strengths of the private system."[73] Both the House and Senate held hearings on national health insurance in 1971, but no legislation emerged from either committee.[74] In October 1972, Nixon signed the Social Security Amendments of 1972, extending Medicare to those under 65 who had been severely disabled for over two years or had end stage renal disease and gradually raising the Medicare Part A payroll tax.[75] In December 1973, he signed the Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973, establishing a trial federal program to promote and encourage the development of HMOs.[76] There was a renewed push for health insurance reform in 1974. In January, representatives Martha Griffiths and James C. Corman introduced the Health Security Act, a universal national health insurance program providing comprehensive benefits without any cost sharing backed by the AFL–CIO and UAW.[74] The following month Nixon proposed the Comprehensive Health Insurance Act, consisting of an employer mandate to offer private health insurance if employees volunteered to pay 25 percent of premiums, replacement of Medicaid by state-run health insurance plans available to all with income-based premiums and cost sharing, and replacement of Medicare with a new federal program that eliminated the limit on hospital days, added income-based out-of-pocket limits, and added outpatient prescription drug coverage.[74][77] In April, Kennedy and House Ways and Means committee chairman Wilbur Mills introduced the National Health Insurance Act, a bill to provide near-universal national health insurance with benefits identical to the expanded Nixon plan—but with mandatory participation by employers and employees through payroll taxes and with lower cost sharing.[74] Both plans were criticized by labor, consumer, and senior citizens organizations, and neither gained traction.[78] In mid-1974, shortly after Nixon's resignation, Mills tried to advance a compromise based on Nixon's plan, but gave up when unable to get more than a 13–12 majority of his committee to support his compromise.[74][79] Environmental policy Further information: Environmental policy of the United States § Nixon and the Environmental Decade (1970–1980) Environmentalism had emerged as a major movement during the 1960s, especially after the 1962 publication of Silent Spring.[80] Between 1960 and 1969, membership in the twelve largest environmental groups had grown from 124,000 to 819,000, and polling showed that millions of voters shared many of the goals of environmentalists.[81] Nixon was largely uninterested in environmental policy, but he did not oppose the goals of the environmental movement. In 1970, he signed the National Environmental Policy Act and established the Environmental Protection Agency, which was charged with coordinating and enforcing federal environmental policy. During his presidency, Nixon also signed the Clean Air Act of 1970, and the Clean Water Act. He signed the Endangered Species Act of 1973, the primary law for protecting imperiled species from extinction as a "consequence of economic growth and development untempered by adequate concern and conservation".[81][82] Nixon also pursued environmental diplomacy,[83] and Nixon administration official Russell E. Train opened a dialog on global environmental issues with Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin.[84][85] Political scientists Byron Daines and Glenn Sussman rate Nixon as the only Republican president since World War II to have a positive impact on the environment, asserting that "Nixon did not have to be personally committed to the environment to become one of the most successful presidents in promoting environmental priorities."[86] While applauding Nixon's progressive policy agenda, environmentalists found much to criticize in his record.[54] The administration strongly supported continued funding of the "noise-polluting" Supersonic transport (SST), which Congress dropped funding for in 1971. Additionally, he vetoed the Clean Water Act of 1972, and after Congress overrode the veto, Nixon impounded the funds Congress had authorized to implement it. While not opposed to the goals of the legislation, Nixon objected to the amount of money to be spent on reaching them, which he deemed excessive.[87] Faced as he was with a generally liberal Democratic Congress, Nixon used his veto power on multiple occasions during his presidency.[88][89][90] Congress's response came in the form of the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which established a new budget process, and included a procedure providing congressional control over the impoundment of funds by the president. Nixon, mired in Watergate, signed the legislation in July 1974.[91] Desegregation and civil rights The Nixon years witnessed the first large-scale efforts to desegregate the nation's public schools.[92] Seeking to avoid alienating Southern whites, whom Nixon hoped would form part of a durable Republican coalition, the president adopted a "low profile" on school desegregation. He pursued this policy by allowing the courts to receive the criticism for desegregation orders, which Nixon's Justice Department would then enforce.[93] By September 1970, less than ten percent of black children were attending segregated schools.[94] After the Supreme Court handed down its decision in the 1971 case of Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, cross-district school busing it emerged as a major issue in both the North and the South. Swann permitted lower federal courts to mandate busing in order to remedy racial imbalance in schools. Though he enforced the court orders, Nixon believed that "forced integration of housing or education" was just as improper as legal segregation, and he took a strong public stance against its continuation. The issue of cross-district busing faded from the fore of national politics after the Supreme Court placed limits on the use of cross-district busing with its decision in the 1974 case of Milliken v. Bradley.[95] Nixon established the Office of Minority Business Enterprise to promote the establishment of minority-owned businesses.[96] The administration also worked to increase the number of racial minorities hired across the nation in various construction trades, implementing the first affirmative action plan in the United States. The Philadelphia Plan required government contractors in Philadelphia to hire a minimum number of minority workers.[97] In 1970, Nixon extended the Philadelphia Plan to encompass all federal contracts worth more than $50,000, and in 1971 he expanded the plan to encompass women and racial minorities.[98] Nixon and Attorney General Mitchell also helped enact an extension of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that expanded federal supervision of voting rights to all jurisdictions in which less than 50 percent of the minority population was registered to vote.[99] Dean J. Kotlowski states that: recent scholars have concluded that the president was neither a segregationist nor a conservative on the race question. These writers have shown that Nixon desegregated more schools than previous presidents, approved a strengthened Voting Rights Act, developed policies to aid minority businesses, and supported affirmative action.[100] Protests and crime Main article: Opposition to United States involvement in the Vietnam War Over the course of the Vietnam War, a large segment of the American population came to be opposed to U.S. involvement in South Vietnam. Public opinion steadily turned against the war following 1967, and by 1970 only a third of Americans believed that the U.S. had not made a mistake by sending troops to fight in Vietnam.[101] Anti-war activists organized massive protests like the Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam, which attracted over 600,000 protesters in various cities.[102] Opinions concerning the war grew more polarized after the Selective Service System instituted a draft lottery in December 1969. Some 30,000 young men fled to Canada to evade the draft between 1970 and 1973.[103] A wave of protests swept the country in reaction to the invasion of Cambodia.[104] In what is known as the Kent State shootings, a protest at Kent State University ended in the deaths of four students after the Ohio Army National Guard opened fire on an unarmed crowd.[105] The shootings increased tensions on other college campuses, and more than 75 colleges and universities were forced to shut down until the start of the next academic year.[104] As the U.S. continually drew down the number of troops in Vietnam, the number of protests declined, especially after 1970.[106] The Nixon administration vigorously prosecuted anti-war protesters like the "Chicago Seven," and ordered the FBI, CIA, NSA, and other intelligence agencies to monitor radical groups. Nixon also introduced anti-crime measures like the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act and the District of Columbia Crime Control Bill, which included no-knock warrants and other provisions that concerned many civil libertarians.[106] In response to growing drug-related crime, Nixon became the first president to emphasize drug control, and he presided over the establishment of the Drug Enforcement Administration.[107] Space program Further information: Space policy of the United States Nixon visits the Apollo 11 astronauts in quarantine aboard the USS Hornet in July 1969 After a nearly decade-long national effort, the United States won the race to land astronauts on the moon on July 20, 1969, with the flight of Apollo 11. Nixon spoke with Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin during their moonwalk, calling the conversation "the most historic phone call ever made from the White House".[108] Nixon, however, was unwilling to keep funding for the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) at the high level seen through the 1960s, and rejected NASA Administrator Thomas O. Paine's ambitious plans for the establishment of a permanent base on the moon by the end of the 1970s and the launch of a crewed expedition to Mars in the 1980s.[109] On May 24, 1972, Nixon approved a five-year cooperative program between NASA and the Soviet space program, culminating in the Apollo–Soyuz Test Project, a joint mission of an American Apollo and a Soviet Soyuz spacecraft in 1975.[110] Other issues Medical research initiatives Nixon submitted two significant medical research initiatives to Congress in February 1971.[111] The first, popularly referred to as the War on Cancer, resulted in passage that December of the National Cancer Act, which injected nearly $1.6 billion (equivalent to $9 billion in 2016) in federal funding to cancer research over a three-year period. It also provided for establishment of medical centers dedicated to clinical research and cancer treatment, 15 of them initially, whose work is coordinated by the National Cancer Institute.[112][113] The second initiative, focused on Sickle-cell disease (SCD), resulted in passage of the National Sickle Cell Anemia Control Act in May 1972. Long ignored, the lifting of SCD from obscurity to high visibility reflected the changing dynamics of electoral politics and race relations in America during the early 1970s. Under this legislation, the National Institutes of Health established several sickle cell research and treatment centers and the Health Services Administration established sickle cell screening and education clinics around the country.[114][115] Governmental reorganization Nixon proposed reducing the number of government departments to eight. Under his plan, the existing departments of State, Justice, Treasury, and Defense would be retained, while the remaining departments would be folded into the new departments of Economic Affairs, Natural Resources, Human Resources, and Community Development. Although Nixon did not succeed in this major reorganization,[116] he was able to convince Congress to eliminate one cabinet-level department, the United States Post Office Department. In July 1971, after passage of the Postal Reorganization Act, the Post Office Department was transformed into the United States Postal Service, an independent entity within the executive branch of the federal government.[117] Federal regulations Nixon supported passage of the Occupational Safety and Health Act, which established the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) and the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH).[118] Other significant regulatory legislation enacted during Nixon's presidency included the Noise Control Act and the Consumer Product Safety Act.[54] Constitutional amendments When Congress extended the Voting Rights Act of 1965 in 1970 it included a provision lowering the age qualification to vote in all elections—federal, state, and local—to 18. Later that year, in Oregon v. Mitchell (1970), the Supreme Court held that Congress had the authority to lower the voting age qualification in federal elections, but not the authority to do so in state and local elections.[119] Nixon sent a letter to Congress supporting a constitutional amendment to lower the voting age, and Congress quickly moved forward with a proposed constitutional amendment guaranteeing the 18 year-old vote.[120] Sent to the states for ratification on March 23, 1971, the proposal became the Twenty-sixth Amendment to the United States Constitution on July 1, 1971, after being ratified by the requisite number of states (38).[121] Nixon also endorsed the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), which passed both houses of Congress in 1972 and was submitted to the state legislatures for ratification.[122] The amendment failed to be ratified by 38 states within the period set by Congress for ratification. Nixon had campaigned as an ERA supporter in 1968, though feminists criticized him for doing little to help the ERA or their cause after his election. Nevertheless, he appointed more women to administration positions than Lyndon Johnson had.[123] Foreign affairs Main article: Foreign policy of the Richard Nixon administration Nixon Doctrine Main article: Nixon Doctrine A color-coded map of the world in 1970, showing the divide of countries of the world in the Cold War Green — Non-self-governing possessions of U.S. allies Blue — U.S. and U.S. allies Red — Soviet Union and its communist allies Orange — Communist countries not aligned with the Soviet Union Pink — Non Communist allies of Soviet Union Light Blue — Non-NATO members of EFTA and OECD Gray — Unknown or non aligned Upon taking office, Nixon pronounced the "Nixon Doctrine," a general statement of foreign policy under which the United States would not "undertake all the defense of the free nations." While existing commitments would be upheld, potential new commitments would be sharply scrutinized. Rather than becoming directly involved in conflicts, the United States would provide military and economic aid to nations that were subject to insurgency or aggression, or that were otherwise vital to U.S. strategic interests.[124] As part of the Nixon Doctrine, the U.S. greatly increased arms sales to the Middle East, especially Israel, Iran, and Saudi Arabia.[125] Another major beneficiary of aid was Pakistan, which the U.S. backed during the Bangladesh Liberation War.[126] Vietnam War Further information: United States in the Vietnam War § Vietnamization, 1969–73 Nixon delivers an address to the nation about the bombings in Cambodia, known as Operation Freedom Deal, on April 30, 1970 Nixon and Pat Nixon with Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos and his wife Imelda in Manila in July 1969 At the time Nixon took office, there were over 500,000 American soldiers in Southeast Asia. Over 30,000 U.S. military personnel serving in the Vietnam War had been killed since 1961, with approximately half of those deaths occurring in 1968.[127] The war was broadly unpopular in the United States with widespread and sometimes violent protests taking place on a regular basis. The Johnson administration agreed to suspend bombing in exchange for negotiations without preconditions, but this agreement never fully took force. According to Walter Isaacson, soon after taking office, Nixon concluded that the Vietnam War could not be won and he was determined to end the war quickly.[128] Conversely, Black argues that Nixon sincerely believed he could intimidate North Vietnam through the Madman theory.[129] Regardless of his opinion of the war, Nixon wanted to end the American role in it without the appearance of an American defeat, which he feared would badly damage his presidency and precipitate a return to isolationism.[130] He sought some arrangement which would permit American forces to withdraw, while leaving South Vietnam secure against attack.[131] In mid-1969, Nixon began efforts to negotiate peace with the North Vietnamese, but negotiators were unable to reach an agreement.[132] With the failure of the peace talks, Nixon implemented a strategy of "Vietnamization," which consisted of increased U.S. aid and Vietnamese troops taking on a greater combat role in the war. To great public approval, he began phased troop withdrawals by the end of 1969, sapping the strength of the domestic anti-war movement.[133] Despite the failure of Operation Lam Son 719, which was designed to be the first major test of the South Vietnamese Army since the implementation of Vietnamization, the drawdown of American soldiers in Vietnam continued throughout Nixon's tenure.[134] In early 1970, Nixon sent U.S. and South Vietnamese soldiers into Cambodia to attack North Vietnamese bases, expanding the ground war out of Vietnam for the first time.[133] He had previously approved a secret B-52 carpet bombing campaign of North Vietnamese positions in Cambodia in March 1969 (code-named Operation Menu), without the consent of Cambodian leader Norodom Sihanouk.[135][136] Even within the administration, many disapproved of the incursions into Cambodia, and anti-war protesters were irate.[105] The bombing of Cambodia continued into the 1970s in support of the Cambodian government of Lon Nol, which was then battling a Khmer Rouge insurgency in the Cambodian Civil War, as part of Operation Freedom Deal.[137] In 1971, Nixon ordered incursions into Laos to attack North Vietnamese bases, provoking further domestic unrest.[138] That same year, excerpts from the "Pentagon Papers" were published by The New York Times and The Washington Post. When news of the leak first appeared, Nixon was inclined to do nothing, but Kissinger persuaded him to try to prevent their publication. The Supreme Court ruled for the newspapers in the 1971 case of New York Times Co. v. United States, thereby allowing for the publication of the excerpts.[139] By mid-1971, disillusionment with the war had reached a new high, as 71 percent of Americans believed that sending soldiers to Vietnam had been a mistake.[140] By the end of 1971, 156,000 U.S. soldiers remained in Vietnam; 276 American soldiers serving in Vietnam were killed in the last six months of that year.[141] North Vietnam launched the Easter Offensive in March 1972, overwhelming the South Vietnamese army.[142] In reaction to the Easter Offensive, Nixon ordered a massive bombing campaign in North Vietnam known as Operation Linebacker.[143] As U.S. troop withdrawals continued, conscription was reduced and in 1973 ended; the armed forces became all-volunteer.[144] In the aftermath of the Easter Offensive, peace talks between the United States and North Vietnam resumed, and by October 1972 a framework for a settlement had been reached. Objections from South Vietnamese President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu derailed this agreement, and the peace talks broke down. In December 1972, Nixon ordered another massive bombing campaign, Operation Linebacker II; domestic criticism of the operation convinced Nixon of the necessity to quickly reach a final agreement with North Vietnam.[145] After years of fighting, the Paris Peace Accords were signed at the beginning of 1973. The agreement implemented a cease fire and allowed for the withdrawal of remaining American troops; however, it did not require the 160,000 North Vietnam Army regulars located in the South to withdraw.[146] By March 1973, U.S. military forces had been withdrawn from Vietnam.[147] Once American combat support ended, there was a brief truce, but fighting quickly broke out again, as both South Vietnam and North Vietnam violated the truce.[148][149] Congress effectively ended any possibility of another American military intervention by passing the War Powers Resolution over Nixon's veto.[150] China and the Soviet Union Nixon took office in the midst of the Cold War, a sustained period of geopolitical tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union. The United States and Soviet Union had been the clear leaders of their respective blocs of allies during the 1950s, but the world became increasingly multipolar during the 1960s. U.S. allies in Western Europe and East Asia had recovered economically, and while they remained allied with United States, they set their own foreign policies. The fracture in the so-called "Second World" of Communist states was more serious, as the split between the Soviet Union and China escalated into a border conflict in 1969. The United States and the Soviet Union continued to compete for worldwide influence, but tensions had eased considerably since the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. In this shifting international context, Nixon and Kissinger sought to realign U.S. foreign policy and establish peaceful coexistence with both the Soviet Union and China.[151] Nixon's goal of closer relations with China and the Soviet Union was closely linked to ending the Vietnam War,[152][153][154] since he hoped that rapprochement with the two leading Communist powers would pressure North Vietnam into accepting a favorable settlement.[155] China Further information: 1972 visit by Richard Nixon to China President Nixon shakes hands with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai upon arriving in Beijing for his historic visit to mainland China in February 1972 Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong meets with Nixon on February 21, 1972 Since the end of the Chinese Civil War, the United States had refused to formally recognize the People's Republic of China (PRC) as the legitimate government of China, though the PRC controlled Mainland China. The U.S. had instead supported the Republic of China (ROC), which controlled Taiwan.[156] By the time Nixon took office, many leading foreign policy figures in the United States had come to believe the U.S. should end its policy of isolating the PRC.[157] The vast Chinese markets presented an economic opportunity for the increasingly-weak U.S. economy, and the Sino-Soviet split offered an opportunity to play the two Communist powers against each other. Chinese leaders, meanwhile, were receptive to closer relations with the U.S. for several reasons, including hostility to the Soviet Union, a desire for increased trade, and hopes of winning international recognition.[156] Both sides faced domestic pressures against closer relations. A conservative faction of Republicans led by Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan strongly opposed a rapprochement with China, while Lin Biao led a similar faction in the PRC. For the first two years of his presidency, Nixon and China each made subtle moves designed to lower tensions, including the removal of travel restrictions. The expansion of the Vietnam War into Laos and Cambodia hindered, but did not derail, the move towards normalization of relations.[158] Due to a misunderstanding at the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships, the Chinese table tennis team invited the U.S. table tennis team to tour China, creating an opening for further engagement between the U.S. and China.[159] In the aftermath of the visit, Nixon lifted the trade embargo on China. At a July 1971 meeting with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai, Henry Kissinger promised not to support independence for Taiwan, while Zhou invited Nixon to China for further talks.[158] After the meeting, China and the United States astounded the world by simultaneously announcing that Nixon would visit China in February 1972.[160] In the aftermath of the announcement, the United Nations passed Resolution 2758, which recognized the PRC as the legitimate government of China and expelled representatives from the ROC.[161] In February 1972, Nixon traveled to China; Kissinger briefed Nixon for over 40 hours in preparation.[162] Upon touching down in the Chinese capital of Beijing, Nixon made a point of shaking Zhou's hand, something which then-Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had refused to do in 1954 when the two met in Geneva.[163] The visit was carefully choreographed by both governments, and major events were broadcast live during prime time to reach the widest possible television audience in the U.S.[164] When not in meetings, Nixon toured architectural wonders such as the Forbidden City, Ming Tombs, and the Great Wall, giving many Americans received their first glimpse into Chinese life.[163] Nixon and Kissinger discussed a range of issues with Zhou and Mao Zedong, the Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party.[165] China provided assurances that it would not intervene in the Vietnam War, while the United States promised to prevent Japan from acquiring nuclear weapons. Nixon recognized Taiwan as part of China, while the Chinese agreed to pursue a peaceful settlement in the dispute with the Republic of China. The United States and China increased trade relations and established unofficial embassies in each other's respective capitals. Though some conservatives criticized his visit, Nixon's opening of relations with China was widely popular in the United States.[166] The visit also aided Nixon's negotiations with the Soviet Union, which feared the possibility of a Sino-American alliance.[167] Soviet Union Further information: Moscow Summit (1972) Nixon in Kyiv in 1972 Nixon meets with Leonid Brezhnev during the Soviet leader's trip to the U.S. in June 1973 Nixon made détente, the easing of tensions with the Soviet Union, one of his top foreign policy priorities. Through détente, he hoped to "minimize confrontation in marginal areas and provide, at least, alternative possibilities in the major ones." West Germany had also pursued closer relations with the Soviet Union in a policy known as "Ostpolitik," and Nixon hoped to re-establish American dominance in NATO by taking the lead in negotiations with the Soviet Union. Nixon also believed that expanding trade with the Soviet Union would help the U.S. economy and could allow both countries to devote fewer resources to defense spending. The Soviets were motivated by a struggling economy and their ongoing split with China.[168] Upon taking office, Nixon took several steps to signal to the Soviets his desire for negotiation. In his first press conference, he noted that the United States would accept nuclear parity, rather than superiority, with the Soviet Union. Kissinger conducted extensive backchannel talks with Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin over arms control negotiations and potential Soviet assistance in negotiations with North Vietnam. Seeking a bargaining chip in negotiations, Nixon funded development of MIRVs, which were not easily countered by existing anti-ballistic missile (ABM) systems. Arms control negotiations would thus center over ABM systems, MIRVs, and the various components of each respective country's nuclear arsenal. After over a year of negotiations, both sides agreed to the outlines of two treaties; one treaty would focus on ABM systems, while the other would focus on limiting nuclear arsenals.[169] In May 1972, Nixon met with Leonid Brezhnev and other leading Soviet officials at the 1972 Moscow Summit. The two sides reached the Strategic Arms Limitation Agreement (SALT I), which set upper limits on the number of offensive missiles and ballistic missile submarines that each county could maintain. A separate agreement, the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, stipulated that each country could only field two anti-ballistic missile systems. The United States also agreed to the creation of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.[170] An October 1972 trade agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union vastly increased trade between the two countries, though Congress did not approve of Nixon's proposal to extend most favored nation status to the Soviet Union.[171] Nixon would embark on a second trip to the Soviet Union in 1974, meeting with Brezhnev in Yalta. They discussed a proposed mutual defense pact and other issues, but there were no significant breakthroughs in the negotiations.[172] During Nixon's final year in office, Congress undercut Nixon's détente policies by passing the Jackson–Vanik amendment.[173] Senator Henry M. Jackson, an opponent of détente, introduced the Jackson–Vanik amendment in response to a Soviet tax that curbed the flow of Jewish emigrants, many of whom sought to immigrate to Israel. Angered by the amendment, the Soviets canceled the 1972 trade agreement and reduced the number of Jews who were permitted to emigrate.[174] Though détente was unpopular with many on the left due to humanitarian concerns, and with many on the right due to concerns about being overly accommodating to the Soviets, Nixon's policies helped significantly diminish Cold War tensions even after he left office.[175] India Main article: India–United States relations Nixon at the arrival ceremony for Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on the South Lawn of the White House in 1971 Relations with India hit an all-time low under the Nixon administration in the early 1970s. Nixon shifted away from the neutral stance which his predecessors had taken towards India-Pakistan hostilities. He established a very close relationship with Pakistan, aiding it militarily and economically, as India, now under the leadership of Indira Gandhi, was leaning towards Soviet Union. He considered Pakistan as a very important ally to counter Soviet influence in the Indian subcontinent and establish ties with China, with whom Pakistan was very close.[176] The frosty personal relationship between Nixon and Indira further contributed to the poor relationship between the two nations.[177] During the 1971 Indo-Pakistani War, the U.S. openly supported Pakistan and deployed its aircraft carrier USS Enterprise towards the Bay of Bengal, which was seen as a show of force by the U.S. in support of the West Pakistani forces. Later in 1974, India conducted its first nuclear test, Smiling Buddha, which was opposed by the US, however it also concluded that the test did not violate any agreement and proceeded with a June 1974 shipment of enriched uranium for the Tarapur reactor.[178][179] Princeton University professor Gary Bass contends that Nixon's actions and the U.S. administration's policy toward South Asia under Nixon was influenced by his hatred of, and sexual repulsion toward, Indians.[180] Latin America Nixon and Mexican president Gustavo Díaz Ordaz riding a presidential motorcade in San Diego in September 1970 Cuba Nixon had been a firm supporter of Kennedy in the 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion and 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis; on taking office he stepped up covert operations against Cuba and Cuban president Fidel Castro. He maintained close relations with the Cuban-American exile community through his friend, Bebe Rebozo, who often suggested ways of irritating Castro. These activities concerned the Soviets and Cubans, who feared Nixon might attack Cuba in violation of the understanding between Kennedy and Khrushchev which had ended the missile crisis. In August 1970, the Soviets asked Nixon to reaffirm the agreement. Despite his hard line against Castro, Nixon agreed. The process, which began in secret but quickly leaked, had not been completed when the U.S. deduced that the Soviets were expanding their base at the Cuban port of Cienfuegos in October 1970. A minor confrontation ensued, which was concluded with an understanding that the Soviets would not use Cienfuegos for submarines bearing ballistic missiles. The final round of diplomatic notes, reaffirming the 1962 accord, were exchanged in November.[181] Chile Further information: United States intervention in Chile Like his predecessors, Nixon was determined to prevent the rise of another Soviet-aligned state in Latin America, and his administration was greatly distressed by the victory of Marxist candidate Salvador Allende in the 1970 Chilean presidential election.[130] Nixon pursued a vigorous campaign of covert resistance to Allende, intended to first prevent Allende from taking office, called Track I, and then when that failed, to provide a "military solution", called Track II.[182] As part of Track II, CIA operatives approached senior Chilean military leaders, using false flag operatives, and encouraged a coup d'état, providing both finances and weapons.[183] These efforts failed, and Allende took office in November 1970.[184] The Nixon administration drastically cut economic aid to Chile and convinced World Bank leaders to block aid to Chile.[185] Extensive covert efforts continued as the U.S. funded black propaganda, organized strikes against Allende, and provided funding for Allende opponents. When the Chilean newspaper El Mercurio requested significant funds for covert support in September 1971, Nixon personally authorized the funds in "a rare example of presidential micromanagement of a covert operation."[186]: 93  In September 1973, General Augusto Pinochet assumed power in a violent coup d'état.[187] During the coup, the deposed president died under disputed circumstances, and there were allegations of American involvement.[188] According to diplomatic historian George Herring, "no evidence has ever been produced to prove conclusively that the United States instigated or actively participated in the coup." Herring also notes, however, that whether or not it took part in the coup, the U.S. created the atmosphere in which the coup took place.[189] Middle East See also: Arab–Israeli conflict Richard and Pat Nixon with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir in 1973 Nixon meets with President Anwar Sadat of Egypt in June 1974 Early in his first term, Nixon pressured Israel over its nuclear program, and his administration developed a peace plan in which Israel would withdraw from the territories it conquered in the Six-Day War. After the Soviet Union upped arms shipments to Egypt in mid-1970, Nixon moved closer to Israel, authorizing the shipment of F-4 fighter aircraft.[190] In October 1973, after Israel declined Egyptian President Anwar Sadat's offer of negotiations over the lands it had won control of in the Six-Day War, Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack against Israel. After Egypt and Syria experienced early successes in what became known as the Yom Kippur War, the United States began to supply massive amounts of military aid to Israel, as Nixon overrode Kissinger's early reluctance to provide strong support to Israel. After Israel turned the tide in the war and advanced into Egypt and Syria, Kissinger and Brezhnev organized a cease fire. Cutting out the Soviet Union from further involvement, Kissinger helped arrange agreements between Israel and the Arab states.[191] Though it had been established in 1960, OPEC did not gain effective control over oil prices until 1970, when Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi forced oil companies in Libya to agree to a price increase; other countries followed suit. U.S. leaders did not attempt to block these price increases, as they believed that higher prices would help increase domestic production of oil. This increased production failed to materialize, and by 1973 the U.S. consumed over one and a half times the oil that it produced domestically.[192] In 1973, in response to the U.S. support of Israel in the Yom Kippur War, OPEC countries cut oil production, raised prices, and initiated an embargo targeted against the United States and other countries that had supported Israel.[193] The embargo caused gasoline shortages and rationing in the United States in late 1973, but was eventually ended by the oil-producing nations as the Yom Kippur War peace took hold.[194] Europe Just weeks after his 1969 inauguration, Nixon made an eight-day trip to Europe. He met with British Prime Minister Harold Wilson in London and French President Charles de Gaulle in Paris. He also made groundbreaking trips to several Eastern European nations, including Romania, Yugoslavia, and Poland. However, the NATO allies of the United States generally did not play a large role in Nixon's foreign policy, as he focused on the Vietnam War and détente. In 1971, the United States, Britain, France, and the Soviet Union reached the Four Power Agreement, in which the Soviet Union guaranteed access to West Berlin so long as it was not incorporated into West Germany.[195] List of international trips Nixon made fifteen international trips to 30 different countries during his presidency.[196] Countries visited by President Richard Nixon, 1969–1974 Dates Country Locations Details 1 February 23–24, 1969 Belgium Brussels Attended the 23rd meeting of North Atlantic Council. Met with King Baudouin I. February 24–26, 1969 United Kingdom London Informal visit. Delivered several public addresses. February 26–27, 1969 West Germany West Berlin Bonn Delivered several public addresses. Addressed the Bundestag. February 27–28, 1969 Italy Rome Met with President Giuseppe Saragat and Prime Minister Mariano Rumor and other officials. February 28 – March 2, 1969 France Paris Met with President Charles de Gaulle. March 2, 1969 Vatican City Apostolic Palace Audience with Pope Paul VI. 2 July 26–27, 1969 Philippines Manila State visit. Met with President Ferdinand Marcos

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ United States Army Counterintelligence (ACI) is the component of United States Army Military Intelligence which conducts counterintelligence activities to detect, identify, assess, counter, exploit and/or neutralize adversarial, foreign intelligence services, international terrorist organizations, and insider threats to the United States Army and U.S. Department of Defense (DoD).[1] Overview ACI is one of only three DoD Counterintelligence (CI) entities designated by the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence and Security, as a "Military Department CI Organization" or "MDCO."[2] The other two DoD MDCO's are the Department of the Air Force Office of Special Investigations (OSI) and the Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS). As an MDCO, Special Agents of ACI are recognized federal law enforcement officers tasked with conducting criminal CI investigations in conjunction with other CI activities. Other CI entities within the DoD not recognized as MDCOs, such as Marine Corps Counterintelligence and the Defense Counterintelligence and Security Agency (DCSA) have no direct criminal investigative mission and therefore are designated only as "intelligence" or "security" organizations; although they may assist in such investigations in a non-law enforcement capacity as authorized by Executive Order 12333 and applicable regulations. ACI Special Agents are U.S. Army personnel, either military or civilian, who are trained and appointed to conduct CI investigations and operations for the U.S. Army and DoD. As federal law enforcement officers who are issued badge and credentials, they have apprehension authority and jurisdiction in the investigation of national security crimes committed by Army personnel including treason, spying, espionage, sedition, subversion, sabotage or assassination directed by foreign governments/actors, and support to international terrorism. They do not have jurisdiction over general criminal matters, which are investigated by the United States Army Criminal Investigation Command (CID).[3][4] In other branches of the U.S. military, both general criminal and counterintelligence investigations are performed by the same entity, as seen with AFOSI and NCIS who are also identified as "Defense Criminal Investigative Organizations."[5] The Army continues to keep these investigative activities separate via ACI and CID, although parallel and joint investigations happen periodically between these two U.S. Army agencies. Most operational ACI Special Agents today work under the auspices of the United States Army Intelligence and Security Command (INSCOM) with the US Army Counterintelligence Command (USACIC) responsible for CI activities and operating field offices within the continental United States. Outside the continental U.S., the 500th Military Intelligence Brigade provides the same type of support in Hawaii and Japan, the 501st Military Intelligence Brigade supports South Korea, and the 66th Military Intelligence Brigade does so in Europe. The 470th Military Intelligence Brigade covers South America, the 513th Military Intelligence Brigade covers the greater Middle East, and the 650th Military Intelligence Group[6] covers NATO missions in applicable countries. Other U.S. Army elements also have CI agents assigned to provide direct support such as those found within the various elements of Special Operations. History Prior to World War I, the U.S. military had no standing counterintelligence services, requiring the use of other elements to conduct counterintelligence activities, such as the Culper Spy Ring during the American Revolution, and by Allan Pinkerton and his private detectives during the U.S. Civil War.[7] ACI was formed as a standing CI service in 1917 during World War I, as the Corps of Intelligence Police under the newly created Military Intelligence Division commanded by Colonel Ralph Van Deman. Later, it was renamed and reformed as the Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC) during World War II and the Cold War. In the early 1970's, following the disbanding of the CIC, ACI was completely restructured as a result of intelligence reform. ACI agents were placed under the control of different military intelligence organizations that followed into the present day under INSCOM. Special Agent duties ACI Special Agent duties include the investigation of national security crimes using special investigative procedures, conducting counterintelligence operations, processing intelligence evidence, conducting both surveillance and counter-surveillance activities, protecting sensitive technologies, preparing and distributing reports, conducting source/informant operations, debriefing personnel for counterintelligence collections, and supporting counter-terrorism operations. Senior ACI Special Agents provide guidance to junior Special Agents and supervise their training; conduct liaison and operational coordination with foreign and U.S. law enforcement, security, and intelligence agencies; plan and conduct counterintelligence operations/activities related to national security; conduct high-profile counterintelligence collection activities and source operations ranging from overt to clandestine collection; supervise/manage surveillance operations; provide support for counterintelligence analytical products, to include preparing counterintelligence reports, estimates, and vulnerability assessments; and with additional training, may conduct technical surveillance countermeasures (TSCM), credibility assessment examinations, or exploit cyber threats. Some ACI Special Agents are also cross-sworn and assigned to various federal task forces, such as the FBI Joint Terrorism Task Force in regions of the U.S. where the U.S. Army or DoD has significant assets to protect against terrorist threats. Senior ACI Special Agents are also often assigned to U.S. Army Special Forces groups to assist with liaison, source operations, and intelligence investigations (typically in support of force protection); while also working closely with other intelligence collectors. These "Special Operations Forces (SOF)" CI Agents are granted the Enlisted Special Qualification Identifier (SQI) "S" or Officer Skill Code "K9" after successfully graduating from Airborne School, and after they have spent 12–24 months with a SOF unit; which may also require Agents complete additional unit level training and/or: Ranger School, SERE School, or applicable JSOU courses. While conducting operations in tactical environments, Army CI/HUMINT personnel often work in small teams called HUMINT Exploitation Teams (HET). HET's are designed to not only collect and report HUMINT information but to also exploit that intelligence information by acting on it. HET's also conduct Counterintelligence activities designed to deny, detect and deceive the enemy's ability to target friendly forces. Like their CID counterparts, ACI special agents are covered by the Law Enforcement Officers Safety Act (LEOSA), and may apply for LEOSA credentials to carry a personal concealed firearm in any jurisdiction in the United States or United States Territories, regardless of state or local laws, with certain exceptions.[8] Functions of Counterintelligence Military and Civilian US Army Counterintelligence (CI) Special Agents receive their badge and credentials after graduation from the US Army CI Special Agent course in Fort Huachuca, Arizona. At his time, Army CI Special Agents are authorized, but not required, to attend the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center's (FLETC) Criminal Investigator Training Program (CITP) to function in most duty positions, with the exception of those agents assigned to FBI Joint Terrorism Task Forces (JTTF). Unlike the Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS) and Office of Special Investigations (OSI), the Army separates their criminal investigators into two separate components known as United States Army Criminal Investigation Division (CID) and Army Counterintelligence. Army CID is responsible for investigating the more traditional range of criminal activity that most people would associate with the job of a Special Agent. On the other hand, Army CI is responsible for criminal investigations related to National Security Crimes like espionage, terrorism, sabotage, subversion, sedition, and treason. The United States Coast Guard made the same decision when they established the Coast Guard Counterintelligence Service (CGCIS). The civilian counterparts for Army CID are classified as 1811's,[9] however the civilian counterparts for Army CI are classified as 0132's[10] who are predominately employed under the Military Intelligence Civilian Excepted Career Program (MICECP).[11] Investigations Investigation of National Security Crimes. Investigating the defection of Military personnel and DA Civilians overseas. Security Violations. Investigations involving AWOL/deserters and suicides involving someone with access to classified material. Operations CI Special Operations/National Foreign Counterintelligence Program. Offensive Counterintelligence Programs. CI Support to Force Protection. Collection Intelligence collection related to foreign intelligence service activities. Intelligence collection related to national security crimes. Write intelligence information reports. Intelligence debriefings. Analysis and Production CI analysis focusing on foreign intelligence and insider threat. CI threat and vulnerability assessments. CI studies of foreign intelligence services and insider threat. Functional Services CI Polygraph Program. Technical Surveillance Countermeasures (TSCM). Special Agent occupational codes Counterintelligence Special Agent Military Occupational Specialty (MOS) codes include: MOS Code Personnel Type Duty Title 35L Enlisted (E1 – E7) Counterintelligence Special Agent 35Y Senior Enlisted (E8 – E9) Chief Counterintelligence Sergeant 351L Warrant Officer (W1 – W5) Counterintelligence Technician 35A2E Commissioned Officer (O1 – O6) Counterintelligence Officer 0132 Civilian Intelligence Specialist (Special Agent & Supervisory Positions) The Army is planning to re-designate civilian agents from 0132[10] to a new 1800 series federal job code. The date for this change has not yet been determined. Selection and initial training Department of the Army Pamphlet 611-21 requires applicants for Counterintelligence be able to: Obtain a Top Secret security clearance with Sensitive Compartmented Information eligibility. A physical profile (PULHES) of 222221 or better. Be a minimum age of 21 after training for accreditation as a Special Agent. Be a minimum rank of E5/Sergeant after training for accreditation as a Special Agent. Possess an occupational specialty with a physical demands rating of medium. Have normal color vision. Have a minimum score of 101 in aptitude area ST on ASVAB tests administered on or after July 1, 2004.[12] Be a high school graduate or equivalent. Possess good voice quality and be able to speak English without an objectionable accent or impediment. Never been a member of the U.S. Peace Corps. No adverse information in military personnel, Provost Marshal, intelligence, or medical records which would prevent receiving a security clearance under AR 380-67 including no record of conviction by court-martial, or by a civilian court for any offense other than minor traffic violations. Must be interviewed per DA Pam 600-8, procedure 3-33 by a qualified Counterintelligence Special Agent. Must be a U.S. citizen. Must receive a command level recommendation for initial appointment. Must not have immediate family members or immediate family members of the Soldier's spouse who reside in a country within whose boundaries physical or mental coercion is known to be common practice. Have neither commercial nor vested interest in a country within whose boundaries physical or mental coercion is known to be a common practice against persons acting in the interest of the U.S. Must receive a waiver for any immediate family members who are not U.S. citizens. This occupation has recently been made an entry level Army position,[12] though many applicants are still drawn from the existing ranks. Becoming a credentialed Counterintelligence Special Agent requires successful completion of the Counterintelligence Special Agent Course (CISAC) at either Fort Huachuca, Arizona, or Camp Williams, Utah. Newly trained special agents are placed on a probationary status for the first year after graduation for active duty agents, and for the first two years after graduation for reserve/national guard agents. This allows for the removal of the Counterintelligence Special Agent MOS if the probationary Agent is deemed unfit for duty as a Special Agent.[1] Additional and advanced training Joint Counterintelligence Training Academy (JCITA): at Quantico, VA has numerous classified specialty and advanced counterintelligence courses for Special Agents of U.S. Army Counterintelligence, NCIS, OSI, and other agencies.[13] Defense Cyber Investigations Training Academy (DCITA): as with numerous other law enforcement and intelligence agencies, DCITA also trains U.S. Army Counterintelligence Special Agents to be cyber criminal investigators and computer forensic specialists to support various counterintelligence investigations, operations, and collections. Federal Law Enforcement Training Center (FLETC): As of 2017, U.S. Army Counterintelligence is an official partner organization with FLETC and began regularly sending agents through the Criminal Investigator Training Program (CITP), the same course attended by numerous other U.S. Federal Law Enforcement Agencies. Joint Special Operations University (JSOU): As with other special operations support occupations, Counterintelligence Special Agents assigned to special operations units have the opportunity to attend several courses through JSOU located near US SOCOM Headquarters at MacDill Air Force Base. Uniform and firearms ACI Active duty Special Agents within the United States are authorized to wear civilian business attire and may carry firearms in the performance of their investigative duties. In tactical and combat environments, they are authorized to wear the Army Combat Uniform, tactical civilian attire, or attire that supports the operational security of their mission. When agents wear the Army Combat Uniform they are authorized to replace rank insignia with Department of the Army Civilian "U.S." insignia. Given the broad range of CI activities, specific assignments will dictate what clothing is appropriate, which may be civilian attire local to the area of operation. Although agents may be issued other weapons on special assignments, they are generally assigned a standard Sig Sauer M18 compact pistol. For combat environments, special agents are also typically issued the M4 carbine. Notable U.S. Army Counterintelligence Special Agents Noel Behn[14] Philip J. Corso Luis Elizondo Jim Gilmore[15] Mike Gravel Clinton J. Hill Henry Kissinger[16] Arthur Komori Ann M. McDonough Edward T. McHale Ib Melchior[17] Nathan Safferstein Richard M. Sakakida J. D. Salinger William L. Uanna Isadore Zack[18] Nikko Ortiz In films and television The 1988 movie Hotel Terminus, is a documentary which chronicles the life of former German SS Officer Klaus Barbie, and partially depicts his time working for CIC after World War II. In the popular 1986-87 comic book series Watchmen and its later film adaptation, a character named Forbes is an Agent of U.S. Army Intelligence. In the 1981 George Lucas and Steven Spielberg movie Raiders of the Lost Ark starring Harrison Ford, Indiana Jones and his friend Marcus are briefed and sent on a mission by two CIP Special Agents to locate and recover the lost Ark of the Covenant before the Nazis can find it. In the 1975 movie The Imposter, an ex-Army intelligence agent is hired to impersonate a rich builder who has been marked for assassination. From 1973 to 1979, the television show MASH featured a recurring character named Colonel Samuel Flagg, who was likely a current or former CIC Agent. The 1972 TV movie Fireball Forward featured Ben Gazzara as a general placed in command of a "bad luck" division. He quickly determines there is a spy in the unit, giving the Germans the division plans just before each battle, resulting in defeat after defeat. The general contacts CIC major L.Q. Jones, who assigns CIC undercover agent Morgan Paull. The agent eventually finds the spy. This movie was a pilot for a series that was never made. In a 1965 episode of the television show The Lucy Show, starring Lucille Ball, titled, Lucy and the Undercover Agent, Lucy becomes convinced a mysterious person at a restaurant is an enemy spy when, in fact, he is an Army CI Agent who thinks Lucy is a spy. See also Other Military Department Counterintelligence Organizations Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS) Air Force Office of Special Investigations (AFOSI or OSI) Additional Defense Criminal Investigative Organizations United States Army Criminal Investigation Division (CID) Defense Criminal Investigative Service (DCIS) Additional Department of Defense Counterintelligence Entities (Non-Law Enforcement) Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) Defense Counterintelligence and Security Agency (DCSA) Marine Corps Counterintelligence Non-DoD Federal Counterintelligence Investigative Organizations Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Diplomatic Security Service (DSS) Coast Guard Counterintelligence Service (CGCIS) Additional Information Federal law enforcement in the United States U.S. Army Special Forces List of United States Army MOS Historical U.S. Army Counterintelligence Corps Historical U.S. Army Corps of Intelligence Police References United States Army Regulation 381-20, The Army Counterintelligence Program, May 25, 2010 DOD INSTRUCTION O-5240.10, COUNTERINTELLIGENCE (CI) IN THE DOD COMPONENTS, April 27, 2020 United States Army Techniques Publication 2-22.2-1, Counterintelligence Investigations, Counterintelligence Investigative Jurisdiction United States Army Regulation 195-2, Criminal Investigation Activities, June 9, 2014 DOD INSTRUCTION 5505.16, INVESTIGATIONS BY DOD COMPONENTS, June 23, 2017 https://irp.fas.org/doddir/army/fm34-37_97/9-chap.htm Stockham, Braden (2017). The Expanded Application of Forensic Science and Law Enforcement Methodologies in Army Counterintelligence. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center. https://leosaonline.com/LEOSAUniversalApplicationv7.pdf[bare URL PDF] https://www.specialagents.org/ https://www.opm.gov/policy-data-oversight/classification-qualifications/classifying-general-schedule-positions/standards/0100/gs0132.pdf[bare URL PDF] "US Army Counterintelligence". "Counterintelligence Agent". "Joint Military Intelligence Training Center (JMITC)". "Noel Behn, 70, Novelist, Producer and Screenwriter". The New York Times. July 31, 1998. Retrieved August 18, 2015. "Member Profile: Mr. Jim Gilmore". Republican National Lawyers Association. Archived from the original on March 27, 2017. Retrieved September 30, 2012. Isaacson, Walter (September 27, 2005). Kissinger: A Biography. New York: Simon and Schuster. pp. 47–49. ISBN 9780743286978. Retrieved August 18, 2015. Colker, David (March 21, 2015). "Ib Melchior dies at 97; sci-fi filmmaker reset classic tales in space". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved August 18, 2015. "Isadore Zack; intelligence work led to fight for justice". Boston Globe. May 11, 2011. Retrieved August 18, 2015.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The premiere of "Beyond War Part I: The Nuclear Threat," the inaugural episode of a groundbreaking four-part series delving into the complexities of warfare and the urgent need for transformative action. Presented by the Beyond War organization, this episode features a compelling array of media presentations, including documentaries, interviews, and discussions. With insights from Barbara Carlson, a prominent voice on the National Board of Directors, and Texas Coordinator of the Beyond War Foundation, this installment confronts the chilling reality of nuclear warfare and advocates for a paradigm shift in global consciousness to prevent catastrophe. Deterrence theory refers to the scholarship and practice of how threats of using force by one party can convince another party to refrain from initiating some other course of action.[1] The topic gained increased prominence as a military strategy during the Cold War with regard to the use of nuclear weapons and is related to but distinct from the concept of mutual assured destruction, according to which a full-scale nuclear attack on a power with second-strike capability would devastate both parties. The central problem of deterrence revolves around how to credibly threaten military action or nuclear punishment on the adversary despite its costs to the deterrer.[2] Deterrence in an international relations context is the application of deterrence theory to avoid conflict. Deterrence is widely defined as any use of threats (implicit or explicit) or limited force intended to dissuade an actor from taking an action (i.e. maintain the status quo).[3][4] Deterrence is unlike compellence, which is the attempt to get an actor (such as a state) to take an action (i.e. alter the status quo).[5][6][4] Both are forms of coercion. Compellence has been characterized as harder to successfully implement than deterrence.[6][7] Deterrence also tends to be distinguished from defense or the use of full force in wartime.[3] Deterrence is most likely to be successful when a prospective attacker believes that the probability of success is low and the costs of attack are high.[8] Central problems of deterrence include the credible communication of threats[9][4] and assurance.[10] Deterrence does not necessarily require military superiority.[11][12] "General deterrence" is considered successful when an actor who might otherwise take an action refrains from doing so due to the consequences that the deterrer is perceived likely to take.[13] "Immediate deterrence" is considered successful when an actor seriously contemplating immediate military force or action refrains from doing so.[13] Scholars distinguish between "extended deterrence" (the protection of allies) and "direct deterrence" (protection of oneself).[12][14] Rational deterrence theory holds that an attacker will be deterred if they believe that:[15] (Probability of deterrer carrying out deterrent threat × Costs if threat carried out) > (Probability of the attacker accomplishing the action × Benefits of the action) This model is frequently simplified in game-theoretic terms as: Costs × P(Costs) > Benefits × P(Benefits) History By November 1945 general Curtis LeMay, who led American air raids on Japan during World War II, was thinking about how the next war would be fought. He said in a speech that month to the Ohio Society of New York that since "No air attack, once it is launched, can be completely stopped", his country needed an air force that could immediately retaliate: "If we are prepared it may never come. It is not immediately conceivable that any nation will dare to attack us if we are prepared".[16] Most of the innovative work on deterrence theory occurred from the late 1940s to mid-1960s.[17] Historically, scholarship on deterrence has tended to focus on nuclear deterrence.[18] Since the end of the Cold War, there has been an extension of deterrence scholarship to areas that are not specifically about nuclear weapons.[4] NATO was founded 1949 with a role including deterring aggression.[19] A distinction is sometimes made between nuclear deterrence and "conventional deterrence."[20][21][22][23] The two most prominent deterrent strategies are "denial" (denying the attacker the benefits of attack) and "punishment" (inflicting costs on the attacker).[11] Lesson of Munich, where appeasement failed, contributes to deterrence theory. In the words of scholars Frederik Logevall and Kenneth Osgood, "Munich and appeasement have become among the dirtiest words in American politics, synonymous with naivete and weakness, and signifying a craven willingness to barter away the nation's vital interests for empty promises." They claimed that the success of US foreign policy often depends upon a president withstanding "the inevitable charges of appeasement that accompany any decision to negotiate with hostile powers.[24] Concept The use of military threats as a means to deter international crises and war has been a central topic of international security research for at least 2000 years.[25] The concept of deterrence can be defined as the use of threats in limited force by one party to convince another party to refrain from initiating some course of action.[26][3] In Arms and Influence (1966), Schelling offers a broader definition of deterrence, as he defines it as "to prevent from action by fear of consequences."[6] Glenn Snyder also offers a broad definition of deterrence, as he argues that deterrence involves both the threat of sanction and the promise of reward.[27] A threat serves as a deterrent to the extent that it convinces its target not to carry out the intended action because of the costs and losses that target would incur. In international security, a policy of deterrence generally refers to threats of military retaliation directed by the leaders of one state to the leaders of another in an attempt to prevent the other state from resorting to the use of military force in pursuit of its foreign policy goals. As outlined by Huth,[26] a policy of deterrence can fit into two broad categories: preventing an armed attack against a state's own territory (known as direct deterrence) or preventing an armed attack against another state (known as extended deterrence). Situations of direct deterrence often occur if there is a territorial dispute between neighboring states in which major powers like the United States do not directly intervene. On the other hand, situations of extended deterrence often occur when a great power becomes involved. The latter case has generated most interest in academic literature. Building on the two broad categories, Huth goes on to outline that deterrence policies may be implemented in response to a pressing short-term threat (known as immediate deterrence) or as strategy to prevent a military conflict or short-term threat from arising (known as general deterrence). A successful deterrence policy must be considered in military terms but also political terms: International relations, foreign policy and diplomacy. In military terms, deterrence success refers to preventing state leaders from issuing military threats and actions that escalate peacetime diplomatic and military co-operation into a crisis or militarized confrontation that threatens armed conflict and possibly war. The prevention of crises of wars, however, is not the only aim of deterrence. In addition, defending states must be able to resist the political and the military demands of a potential attacking nation. If armed conflict is avoided at the price of diplomatic concessions to the maximum demands of the potential attacking nation under the threat of war, it cannot be claimed that deterrence has succeeded. Furthermore, as Jentleson et al.[28] argue, two key sets of factors for successful deterrence are important: a defending state strategy that balances credible coercion and deft diplomacy consistent with the three criteria of proportionality, reciprocity, and coercive credibility and minimizes international and domestic constraints and the extent of an attacking state's vulnerability as shaped by its domestic political and economic conditions. In broad terms, a state wishing to implement a strategy of deterrence is most likely to succeed if the costs of noncompliance that it can impose on and the benefits of compliance it can offer to another state are greater than the benefits of noncompliance and the costs of compliance. Deterrence theory holds that nuclear weapons are intended to deter other states from attacking with their nuclear weapons, through the promise of retaliation and possibly mutually assured destruction. Nuclear deterrence can also be applied to an attack by conventional forces. For example, the doctrine of massive retaliation threatened to launch US nuclear weapons in response to Soviet attacks. A successful nuclear deterrent requires a country to preserve its ability to retaliate by responding before its own weapons are destroyed or ensuring a second-strike capability. A nuclear deterrent is sometimes composed of a nuclear triad, as in the case of the nuclear weapons owned by the United States, Russia, the China and India. Other countries, such as the United Kingdom and France, have only sea-based and air-based nuclear weapons. Proportionality Jentleson et al. provides further detail in relation to those factors.[28] Proportionality refers to the relationship between the defending state's scope and nature of the objectives being pursued and the instruments available for use to pursue them. The more the defending state demands of another state, the higher that state's costs of compliance and the greater need for the defending state's strategy to increase the costs of noncompliance and the benefits of compliance. That is a challenge, as deterrence is by definition a strategy of limited means. George (1991) goes on to explain that deterrence sometimes goes beyond threats to the actual use of military force, but if force is actually used, it must be limited and fall short of full-scale use to succeed.[29] The main source of disproportionality is an objective that goes beyond policy change to regime change, which has been seen in Libya, Iraq, and North Korea. There, defending states have sought to change the leadership of a state and to policy changes relating primarily to their nuclear weapons programs. Reciprocity Secondly, Jentleson et al.[28] outlines that reciprocity involves an explicit understanding of linkage between the defending state's carrots and the attacking state's concessions. The balance lies in not offering too little, too late or for too much in return and not offering too much, too soon, or for too little return. Coercive credibility Finally, coercive credibility requires that in addition to calculations about costs and benefits of co-operation, the defending state convincingly conveys to the attacking state that failure to co-operate has consequences. Threats, uses of force, and other coercive instruments such as economic sanctions must be sufficiently credible to raise the attacking state's perceived costs of noncompliance. A defending state having a superior military capability or economic strength in itself is not enough to ensure credibility. Indeed, all three elements of a balanced deterrence strategy are more likely to be achieved if other major international actors like the UN or NATO are supportive, and opposition within the defending state's domestic politics is limited. The other important considerations outlined by Jentleson et al.[28] that must be taken into consideration is the domestic political and economic conditions in the attacking state affecting its vulnerability to deterrence policies and the attacking state's ability to compensate unfavourable power balances. The first factor is whether internal political support and regime security are better served by defiance, or there are domestic political gains to be made from improving relations with the defending state. The second factor is an economic calculation of the costs that military force, sanctions, and other coercive instruments can impose and the benefits that trade and other economic incentives may carry. That is partly a function of the strength and flexibility of the attacking state's domestic economy and its capacity to absorb or counter the costs being imposed. The third factor is the role of elites and other key domestic political figures within the attacking state. To the extent that such actors' interests are threatened with the defending state's demands, they act to prevent or block the defending state's demands. Rational deterrence theory One approach to theorizing about deterrence has entailed the use of rational choice and game-theoretic models of decision making (see game theory). Rational deterrence theory entails:[30] Rationality: actors are rational[12] Unitary actor assumption: actors are understood as unitary[12] Dyads: interactions tend to be between dyads (or triads) of states Strategic interactions: actors consider the choices of other actors[12] Cost-benefit calculations: outcomes reflect actors' cost-benefit calculations[12][31] Deterrence theorists have consistently argued that deterrence success is more likely if a defending state's deterrent threat is credible to an attacking state. Huth[26] outlines that a threat is considered credible if the defending state possesses both the military capabilities to inflict substantial costs on an attacking state in an armed conflict, and the attacking state believes that the defending state is resolved to use its available military forces. Huth[26] goes on to explain the four key factors for consideration under rational deterrence theory: the military balance, signaling and bargaining power, reputations for resolve, interests at stake. The American economist Thomas Schelling brought his background in game theory to the subject of studying international deterrence. Schelling's (1966) classic work on deterrence presents the concept that military strategy can no longer be defined as the science of military victory. Instead, it is argued that military strategy was now equally, if not more, the art of coercion, intimidation and deterrence.[32] Schelling says the capacity to harm another state is now used as a motivating factor for other states to avoid it and influence another state's behavior. To be coercive or deter another state, violence must be anticipated and avoidable by accommodation. It can therefore be summarized that the use of the power to hurt as bargaining power is the foundation of deterrence theory and is most successful when it is held in reserve.[32] In an article celebrating Schelling's Nobel Memorial Prize for Economics,[33] Michael Kinsley, Washington Post op‑ed columnist and one of Schelling's former students, anecdotally summarizes Schelling's reorientation of game theory thus: "[Y]ou're standing at the edge of a cliff, chained by the ankle to someone else. You'll be released, and one of you will get a large prize, as soon as the other gives in. How do you persuade the other guy to give in, when the only method at your disposal—threatening to push him off the cliff—would doom you both? Answer: You start dancing, closer and closer to the edge. That way, you don't have to convince him that you would do something totally irrational: plunge him and yourself off the cliff. You just have to convince him that you are prepared to take a higher risk than he is of accidentally falling off the cliff. If you can do that, you win." Military balance Deterrence is often directed against state leaders who have specific territorial goals that they seek to attain either by seizing disputed territory in a limited military attack or by occupying disputed territory after the decisive defeat of the adversary's armed forces. In either case, the strategic orientation of potential attacking states generally is for the short term and is driven by concerns about military cost and effectiveness. For successful deterrence, defending states need the military capacity to respond quickly and strongly to a range of contingencies. Deterrence often fails if either a defending state or an attacking state underestimates or overestimates the other's ability to undertake a particular course of action. Signaling and bargaining power The central problem for a state that seeks to communicate a credible deterrent threat by diplomatic or military actions is that all defending states have an incentive to act as if they are determined to resist an attack in the hope that the attacking state will back away from military conflict with a seemingly resolved adversary. If all defending states have such incentives, potential attacking states may discount statements made by defending states along with any movement of military forces as merely bluffs. In that regard, rational deterrence theorists have argued that costly signals are required to communicate the credibility of a defending state's resolve. Those are actions and statements that clearly increase the risk of a military conflict and also increase the costs of backing down from a deterrent threat. States that bluff are unwilling to cross a certain threshold of threat and military action for fear of committing themselves to an armed conflict. Reputations for resolve Main article: Credibility (international relations) There are three different arguments that have been developed in relation to the role of reputations in influencing deterrence outcomes. The first argument focuses on a defending state's past behavior in international disputes and crises, which creates strong beliefs in a potential attacking state about the defending state's expected behaviour in future conflicts. The credibilities of a defending state's policies are arguably linked over time, and reputations for resolve have a powerful causal impact on an attacking state's decision whether to challenge either general or immediate deterrence. The second approach argues that reputations have a limited impact on deterrence outcomes because the credibility of deterrence is heavily determined by the specific configuration of military capabilities, interests at stake, and political constraints faced by a defending state in a given situation of attempted deterrence. The argument of that school of thought is that potential attacking states are not likely to draw strong inferences about a defending states resolve from prior conflicts because potential attacking states do not believe that a defending state's past behaviour is a reliable predictor of future behavior. The third approach is a middle ground between the first two approaches and argues that potential attacking states are likely to draw reputational inferences about resolve from the past behaviour of defending states only under certain conditions. The insight is the expectation that decisionmakers use only certain types of information when drawing inferences about reputations, and an attacking state updates and revises its beliefs when a defending state's unanticipated behavior cannot be explained by case-specific variables. An example shows that the problem extends to the perception of the third parties as well as main adversaries and underlies the way in which attempts at deterrence can fail and even backfire if the assumptions about the others' perceptions are incorrect.[34] Interests at stake Although costly signaling and bargaining power are more well established arguments in rational deterrence theory, the interests of defending states are not as well known. Attacking states may look beyond the short-term bargaining tactics of a defending state and seek to determine what interests are at stake for the defending state that would justify the risks of a military conflict. The argument is that defending states that have greater interests at stake in a dispute are more resolved to use force and more willing to endure military losses to secure those interests. Even less well-established arguments are the specific interests that are more salient to state leaders such as military interests and economic interests. Furthermore, Huth[26] argues that both supporters and critics of rational deterrence theory agree that an unfavorable assessment of the domestic and international status quo by state leaders can undermine or severely test the success of deterrence. In a rational choice approach, if the expected utility of not using force is reduced by a declining status quo position, deterrence failure is more likely since the alternative option of using force becomes relatively more attractive. Tripwires International relations scholars Dan Reiter and Paul Poast have argued that so-called "tripwires" do not deter aggression.[35] Tripwires entail that small forces are deployed abroad with the assumption that an attack on them will trigger a greater deployment of forces.[35] Dan Altman has argued that tripwires do work to deter aggression, citing the Western deployment of forces to Berlin in 1948–1949 to deter Soviet aggression as a successful example.[36] A 2022 study by Brian Blankenship and Erik Lin-Greenberg found that high-resolve, low-capability signals (such as tripwires) were not viewed as more reassuring to allies than low-resolve, high-capability alternatives (such as forces stationed offshore). Their study cast doubt on the reassuring value of tripwires.[37] Nuclear deterrence theory Main articles: Nuclear strategy, Massive retaliation, Mutual assured destruction, and Flexible response In 1966, Schelling[32] is prescriptive in outlining the impact of the development of nuclear weapons in the analysis of military power and deterrence. In his analysis, before the widespread use of assured second strike capability, or immediate reprisal, in the form of SSBN submarines, Schelling argues that nuclear weapons give nations the potential to destroy their enemies but also the rest of humanity without drawing immediate reprisal because of the lack of a conceivable defense system and the speed with which nuclear weapons can be deployed. A nation's credible threat of such severe damage empowers their deterrence policies and fuels political coercion and military deadlock, which can produce proxy warfare. According to Kenneth Waltz, there are three requirements for successful nuclear deterrence:[38] Part of a state's nuclear arsenal must appear to be able to survive an attack by the adversary and be used for a retaliatory second strike The state must not respond to false alarms of a strike by the adversary The state must maintain command and control The stability–instability paradox is a key concept in rational deterrence theory. It states that when two countries each have nuclear weapons, the probability of a direct war between them greatly decreases, but the probability of minor or indirect conflicts between them increases.[39][40][41] This occurs because rational actors want to avoid nuclear wars, and thus they neither start major conflicts nor allow minor conflicts to escalate into major conflicts—thus making it safe to engage in minor conflicts. For instance, during the Cold War the United States and the Soviet Union never engaged each other in warfare, but fought proxy wars in Korea, Vietnam, Angola, the Middle East, Nicaragua and Afghanistan and spent substantial amounts of money and manpower on gaining relative influence over the third world.[42] Bernard Brodie wrote in 1959 that a credible nuclear deterrent must be always ready but never used.[43][a] Scholars have debated whether having a superior nuclear arsenal provides a deterrent against other nuclear-armed states with smaller arsenals. Matthew Kroenig has argued that states with nuclear superiority are more likely to win nuclear crises,[44][45] whereas Todd Sechser, Matthew Fuhrmann and David C. Logan have challenged this assertion.[46][47][48] A 2023 study found that a state with nuclear weapons is less likely to be targeted by non-nuclear states, but that a state with nuclear weapons is not less likely to target other nuclear states in low-level conflict.[49] A 2022 study by Kyungwon Suh suggests that nuclear superiority may not reduce the likelihood that nuclear opponents will initiate nuclear crises.[50] Proponents of nuclear deterrence theory argue that newly nuclear-armed states may pose a short- or medium-term risk, but that "nuclear learning" occurs over time as states learn to live with new nuclear-armed states.[51][52] Mark S. Bell and Nicholas L. Miller have however argued that there is a weak theoretical and empirical basis for notions of "nuclear learning."[53] Stages of US policy of deterrence The US policy of deterrence during the Cold War underwent significant variations. Containment The early stages of the Cold War were generally characterized by the containment of communism, an aggressive stance on behalf of the US especially on developing nations under its sphere of influence. The period was characterized by numerous proxy wars throughout most of the globe, particularly Africa, Asia, Central America, and South America. One notable conflict was the Korean War. George F. Kennan, who is taken to be the founder of this policy in his Long Telegram, asserted that he never advocated military intervention, merely economic support, and that his ideas were misinterpreted as espoused by the general public. Détente With the US drawdown from Vietnam, the normalization of US relations with China, and the Sino-Soviet Split, the policy of containment was abandoned and a new policy of détente was established, with peaceful co-existence was sought between the United States and the Soviet Union. Although all of those factors contributed to this shift, the most important factor was probably the rough parity achieved in stockpiling nuclear weapons with the clear capability of mutual assured destruction (MAD). Therefore, the period of détente was characterized by a general reduction in the tension between the Soviet Union and the United States and a thawing of the Cold War, which lasted from the late 1960s until the start of the 1980s. The doctrine of mutual nuclear deterrence then characterized relations between the United States and the Soviet Union and relations with Russia until the onset of the New Cold War in the early 2010s. Since then, relations have been less clear. Reagan era A third shift occurred with US President Ronald Reagan's arms build-up during the 1980s. Reagan attempted to justify the policy by concerns of growing Soviet influence in Latin America and the post-1979 revolutionary government of Iran. Similar to the old policy of containment, the US funded several proxy wars, including support for Saddam Hussein of Iraq during the Iran–Iraq War, support for the mujahideen in Afghanistan, who were fighting for independence from the Soviet Union, and several anticommunist movements in Latin America such as the overthrow of the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. The funding of the Contras in Nicaragua led to the Iran-Contra Affair, while overt support led to a ruling from the International Court of Justice against the United States in Nicaragua v. United States. The final expression of the full impact of deterrence during the cold war can be seen in the agreement between Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985. They "agreed that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. Recognizing that any conflict between the USSR and the U.S. could have catastrophic consequences, they emphasized the importance of preventing any war between them, whether nuclear or conventional. They will not seek to achieve military superiority.". While the army was dealing with the breakup of the Soviet Union and the spread of nuclear technology to other nations beyond the United States and Russia, the concept of deterrence took on a broader multinational dimension. The US policy on deterrence after the Cold War was outlined in 1995 in the document called "Essentials of Post–Cold War Deterrence".[54] It explains that while relations with Russia continue to follow the traditional characteristics of MAD, but the US policy of deterrence towards nations with minor nuclear capabilities should ensure by threats of immense retaliation (or even pre-emptive action) not to threaten the United States, its interests, or allies. The document explains that such threats must also be used to ensure that nations without nuclear technology refrain from developing nuclear weapons and that a universal ban precludes any nation from maintaining chemical or biological weapons. The current tensions with Iran and North Korea over their nuclear programs are caused partly by the continuation of the policy of deterrence. Post-Cold War period By the beginning of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, many western hawks expressed the view that deterrence worked in that war but only in one way – in favor of Russia. Former US security advisor, John Bolton, said: Deterrence is working in the Ukraine crisis, just not for the right side. The United States and its allies failed to deter Russia from invading. The purpose of deterrence strategy is to prevent the conflict entirely, and there Washington failed badly. On the other hand, Russian deterrence is enjoying spectacular success. Russia has convinced the West that even a whisper of NATO military action in Ukraine would bring disastrous consequences. Putin threatens, blusters, uses the word “nuclear,” and the West wilts.[55] When Elon Musk prevented Ukraine from carrying drone attacks on the Russian Black Sea fleet by denying to enable needed Starlink communications in Crimea,[56] Anne Applebaum argued Musk had been deterred by Russia after the country's ambassador warned him an attack on Crimea would be met with a nuclear response.[57] Later Ukrainian attacks on the same fleet using a different communications system also caused deterrence, this time to the Russian Navy.[57] Timo S. Koster who served at NATO as Director of Defence Policy & Capabilities similarly argued: A massacre is taking place in Europe and the strongest military alliance in the world is staying out of it. We are deterred and Russia is not.[58] Philip Breedlove, a retired four-star U.S. Air Force general and a former SACEUR, said that Western fears about nuclear weapons and World War III have left it "fully deterred" and Putin "completely undeterred." The West have "ceded the initiative to the enemy."[59] No attempt was made by NATO to deter Moscow with the threat of military force, wondered another expert. To the contrary, it was Russia’s deterrence that proved to be successful.[60] Cyber deterrence Main articles: Cyberwarfare and Cyberweapon Since the early 2000s, there has been an increased focus on cyber deterrence. Cyber deterrence has two meanings:[61] The use of cyber actions to deter other states The deterrence of an adversary's cyber operations Scholars have debated how cyber capabilities alter traditional understandings of deterrence, given that it may be harder to attribute responsibility for cyber attacks, the barriers to entry may be lower, the risks and costs may be lower for actors who conduct cyber attacks, it may be harder to signal and interpret intentions, the advantage of offense over defense, and weak actors and non-state actors can develop considerable cyber capabilities.[61][62][63][64] Scholars have also debated the feasibility of launching highly damaging cyber attacks and engaging in destructive cyber warfare, with most scholars expressing skepticism that cyber capabilities have enhanced the ability of states to launch highly destructive attacks.[65][66][67] The most prominent cyber attack to date is the Stuxnet attack on Iran's nuclear program.[65][66] By 2019, the only publicly acknowledged case of a cyber attack causing a power outage was the 2015 Ukraine power grid hack.[68] There are various ways to engage in cyber deterrence:[61][62][63] Denial: preventing adversaries from achieving military objectives by defending against them[64] Punishment: the imposition of costs on the adversary Norms: the establishment and maintenance of norms that establish appropriate standards of behavior[69][70] Escalation: raising the probability that costs will be imposed on the adversary[71] Entanglement and interdependence: interdependence between actors can have a deterrent effect[62][67] There is a risk of unintended escalation in cyberspace due to difficulties in discerning the intent of attackers,[72][73] and complexities in state-hacker relationships.[74] According to political scientists Joseph Brown and Tanisha Fazal, states frequently neither confirm nor deny responsibility for cyber operations so that they can avoid the escalatory risks (that come with public credit) while also signaling that they have cyber capabilities and resolve (which can be achieved if intelligence agencies and governments believe they were responsible).[71] According to Lennart Maschmeyer, cyber weapons have limited coercive effectiveness due to a trilemma "whereby speed, intensity, and control are negatively correlated. These constraints pose a trilemma for actors because a gain in one variable tends to produce losses across the other two variables."[75] Intrawar deterrence Intrawar deterrence is deterrence within a war context. It means that war has broken out but actors still seek to deter certain forms of behavior. In the words of Caitlin Talmadge, "intra-war deterrence failures... can be thought of as causing wars to get worse in some way."[76] Examples of intrawar deterrence include deterring adversaries from resorting to nuclear, chemical and biological weapons attacks or attacking civilian populations indiscriminately.[77] Broadly, it involves any prevention of escalation.[78] Criticism Deterrence failures See also: Salami slicing tactics Deterrence theory has been criticized by numerous scholars for various reasons, the most basic being skepticism that decision makers are rational. A prominent strain of criticism argues that rational deterrence theory is contradicted by frequent deterrence failures, which may be attributed to misperceptions.[79] Here it's argued that misestimations of perceived costs and benefits by analysts contribute to deterrence failures,[80] as exemplified in case of Russian invasion of Ukraine. Frozen conflicts can be seen as rewarding aggression.[81] Misprediction of behavior Scholars have also argued that leaders do not behave in ways that are consistent with the predictions of nuclear deterrence theory.[82][83][84] Scholars have also argued that rational deterrence theory does not grapple sufficiently with emotions and psychological biases that make accidents, loss of self-control, and loss of control over others likely.[85][86] Frank C. Zagare has argued that deterrence theory is logically inconsistent and empirically inaccurate. In place of classical deterrence, rational choice scholars have argued for perfect deterrence, which assumes that states may vary in their internal characteristics and especially in the credibility of their threats of retaliation.[87] Suicide attacks Advocates for nuclear disarmament, such as Global Zero, have criticized nuclear deterrence theory. Sam Nunn, William Perry, Henry Kissinger, and George Shultz have all called upon governments to embrace the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons, and created the Nuclear Security Project to advance that agenda.[88] In 2010, the four were featured in a documentary film entitled Nuclear Tipping Point where proposed steps to achieve nuclear disarmament.[89][90] Kissinger has argued, "The classical notion of deterrence was that there was some consequences before which aggressors and evildoers would recoil. In a world of suicide bombers, that calculation doesn't operate in any comparable way."[91] Shultz said, "If you think of the people who are doing suicide attacks, and people like that get a nuclear weapon, they are almost by definition not deterrable."[92] Stronger deterrent Paul Nitze argued in 1994 that nuclear weapons were obsolete in the "new world disorder" after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and he advocated reliance on precision guided munitions to secure a permanent military advantage over future adversaries.[93] Minimum deterrence As opposed to the extreme mutually assured destruction form of deterrence, the concept of minimum deterrence in which a state possesses no more nuclear weapons than is necessary to deter an adversary from attacking is presently the most common form of deterrence practiced by nuclear weapon states, such as China, India, Pakistan, Britain, and France.[94] Pursuing minimal deterrence during arms negotiations between the United States and Russia allows each state to make nuclear stockpile reductions without the state becoming vulnerable, but it has been noted that there comes a point that further reductions may be undesirable, once minimal deterrence is reached, as further reductions beyond that point increase a state's vulnerability and provide an incentive for an adversary to expand its nuclear arsenal secretly.[95] See also Balance of terror Chainstore paradox Confidence-building measures Decapitation strike International relations Launch on warning Long Peace N-deterrence Nuclear blackmail Nuclear ethics Nuclear peace Nuclear strategy Nuclear terrorism Nuclear warfare Peace through strength Prisoner's dilemma Reagan Doctrine Security dilemma Tripwire force Wargaming Notes Definition of deterrence from the Dictionary of Modern Strategy and Tactics by Michael Keane: "The prevention or inhibition of action brought about by fear of the consequences. 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Georgetown University Press. ISBN 978-1-62616-495-6. Archived from the original on 2023-12-01. Retrieved 2023-08-31. Bell, Mark S.; Miller, Nicholas L. (2022), Narang, Vipin; Sagan, Scott D. (eds.), "The Limits of Nuclear Learning in the New Nuclear Age", The Fragile Balance of Terror, Deterrence in the New Nuclear Age, Cornell University Press, pp. 209–229, ISBN 978-1-5017-6701-2, JSTOR 10.7591/j.ctv310vm0j.11, archived from the original on 2023-08-31, retrieved 2023-08-31 "The Nautilus Institute Nuclear Strategy Project: US FOIA Documents". Archived from the original on December 8, 2008. "How Russia Is Beating the West at Deterrence". Time. 2022-03-09. Archived from the original on 2023-06-05. Retrieved 2023-08-11. Darcy, Oliver (2023-09-12). "An explosive Elon Musk biography is just hitting shelves. But the book's acclaimed author is already walking back a major claim | CNN Business". CNN. Archived from the original on 2023-09-22. Retrieved 2023-09-15. Applebaum, Anne (2023-09-11). "What Russia Got by Scaring Elon Musk". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 2023-09-16. Retrieved 2023-09-12. Koster, Ben Hodges, Timo S. (2022-05-05). "NATO Must Re-Learn Deterrence". CEPA. Archived from the original on 2023-07-16. Retrieved 2023-08-11. Tavberidze, Vazha, (2022). "Former NATO Commander Says Western Fears Of Nuclear War Are Preventing A Proper Response To Putin," Radio Free Europe, April 07. Bar, Shmuel, (2022). "Deterrence after Ukraine—a critical analysis," Quillette, March 24. Schneider, Jacquelyn G. (2019), "Deterrence in and through Cyberspace", Cross-Domain Deterrence, Oxford University Press, pp. 95–120, doi:10.1093/oso/9780190908645.003.0005, ISBN 978-0-19-090864-5, archived from the original on 2021-11-06, retrieved 2021-11-06 Nye, Joseph S. (2017). "Deterrence and Dissuasion in Cyberspace". International Security. 41 (3): 44–71. doi:10.1162/isec_a_00266. ISSN 0162-2889. S2CID 29361290. Archived from the original on 2021-01-26. Retrieved 2021-11-06. 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Archived from the original on 2024-02-24. Retrieved 2021-11-20. Jonas J. Driedger & Mikhail Polianskii (2023) Utility-based predictions of military escalation: Why experts forecasted Russia would not invade Ukraine, Contemporary Security Policy, 44:4, 544-560 Karsten Jung (2023) A New Concert for Europe: Security and Order After the War, The Washington Quarterly, 46:1, 25-437 Green, Brendan Rittenhouse (2020). The Revolution that Failed: Nuclear Competition, Arms Control, and the Cold War. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-48986-7. Archived from the original on 2024-02-24. Retrieved 2021-11-20. Jervis, Robert (2021), Bartel, Fritz; Monteiro, Nuno P. (eds.), "The Nuclear Age", Before and After the Fall: World Politics and the End of the Cold War, Cambridge University Press, pp. 115–131, doi:10.1017/9781108910194.008, ISBN 978-1-108-90677-7, S2CID 244858515, archived from the original on 2024-02-24, retrieved 2021-12-17 Sagan, Scott D. (1994). "The Perils of Proliferation: Organization Theory, Deterrence Theory, and the Spread of Nuclear Weapons". International Security. 18 (4): 66–107. doi:10.2307/2539178. ISSN 0162-2889. JSTOR 2539178. S2CID 153925234. Archived from the original on 2022-02-14. Retrieved 2022-02-14. "Don't Be So Confident in Nuclear Decision-Making". Lawfare. 2023-02-26. Archived from the original on 2023-07-07. Retrieved 2023-03-04. "The Psychology of Nuclear Brinkmanship". International Security. 2023. Archived from the original on 2023-03-04. Retrieved 2023-03-04. Zagare, Frank C. (2004), "Reconciling Rationality with Deterrence: A Re-examination of the Logical Foundations of Deterrence Theory", Journal of Theoretical Politics, 16 (2): 107–141, CiteSeerX 10.1.1.335.7353, doi:10.1177/0951629804041117, S2CID 13900591 "Nuclear endgame: The growing appeal of zero". The Economist. June 16, 2011. Archived from the original on December 3, 2011. Retrieved January 17, 2012. "The Growing Appeal of Zero". The Economist. June 18, 2011. p. 66. Archived from the original on December 3, 2011. Retrieved January 17, 2012. "Documentary Advances Nuclear Free Movement". NPR.org. NPR. Archived from the original on 2023-04-05. Retrieved 2010-06-10. Ben Goddard (2010-01-27). "Cold Warriors say no nukes". The Hill. Archived from the original on 2014-02-13. Retrieved 2013-11-15. Hugh Gusterson (30 March 2012). "The new abolitionists". Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. Archived from the original on 17 February 2014. Retrieved 15 November 2013. Nitze, Paul. "IS IT TIME TO JUNK OUR NUKES? THE NEW WORLD DISORDER MAKES THEM OBSOLETE". washingtonpost dot com. WP Company LLC. Archived from the original on July 2, 2019. Retrieved July 2, 2019. Kristensen, Hans M, Robert S Norris, and Ivan Oelrich. "From Counterforce to Minimal Deterrence: A New Nuclear Policy on the Path Toward Eliminating Nuclear Weapons Archived 2015-06-20 at the Wayback Machine." Federation of American Scientists Archived 2017-09-21 at the Wayback Machine. April 2009. Accessed July 31, 2010. Nalebuff, Barry. "Minimal Nuclear Deterrence." Journal of Conflict Resolution 32, no. 3 (September 1988): p. 424. Further reading Schultz, George P. and Goodby, James E. The War that Must Never be Fought, Hoover Press, ISBN 978-0-8179-1845-3, 2015. Freedman, Lawrence. 2004. Deterrence. New York: Polity Press. Jervis, Robert, Richard N. Lebow and Janice G. Stein. 1985. Psychology and Deterrence. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 270 pp. Morgan, Patrick. 2003. Deterrence Now. Cambridge University Press. T.V. Paul, Patrick M. Morgan, James J. Wirtz, Complex Deterrence: Strategy In the Global Age (University of Chicago Press, 2009) ISBN 978-0-226-65002-9. Waltz, Kenneth N. "Nuclear Myths and Political Realities". The American Political Science Review. Vol. 84, No. 3 (Sep, 1990), pp. 731–746. External links Wikiversity has learning resources about Survey research and design in psychology/Tutorials/Multiple linear regression/Exercises/Deterrence theory vte International relations Organizations Present BRICS Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) International Criminal Court (ICC) Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) United Nations (UN) Past League of Nations Warsaw Pact History 1648–1814 1814–1919 1919–1939 Diplomatic history of World War II Cold War International relations since 1989 Concepts Alliance Entente Coalition Military Appeasement Co-belligerence Collective security Colonialism Deterrence theory Grey-zone Hegemony Idealism International community Internationalism Liberal institutionalism Neutral country Non-belligerent Non-state actor Imperialism Peace Power Right of conquest Sovereignty Suzerainty Treaty Armistice Ceasefire War Theory Constructivism English school Feminism Liberalism Marxism Postcolonialism Realism Related fields and subfields Comparative politics Diplomacy Foreign policy analysis Geopolitics International law International political economy International political sociology Peace and conflict studies Security studies Authority control databases: National Edit this at Wikidata France BnF data Israel United States Categories: Cold War policiesCold War terminologyDeterrence theory during the Cold WarGeopolitical terminologyInternational relations theoryInternational securityMilitary strategyMilitary ethicsNuclear strategyNuclear warfarePeace and conflict studiesSubfields of political science

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ David Keith Williamson AO (born 24 February 1942) is an Australian playwright. He has also written screenplays and teleplays. Early life David Williamson was born in Melbourne, Victoria, on 24 February 1942, and was brought up in Bairnsdale. He initially studied mechanical engineering at the University of Melbourne from 1960, but left and graduated from Monash University with a Bachelor of Engineering degree in 1965. His early forays into the theatre were as an actor and writer of skits for the Engineers' Revue at Melbourne University's Union Theatre at lunchtime during the early 1960s, and as a satirical sketch writer for Monash University student reviews and the Emerald Hill Theatre Company. After a brief stint as design engineer for GM Holden, Williamson became a lecturer in mechanical engineering and thermodynamics at Swinburne University of Technology (then Swinburne Technical College) in 1966 while studying social psychology as a postgraduate part-time at the University of Melbourne. He completed a Master of Arts in Psychology in 1970, and then completed further postgraduate research in social psychology. Williamson later lectured in social psychology at Swinburne, where he remained until 1972. Career This section of a biography of a living person needs additional citations for verification. Please help by adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately from the article and its talk page, especially if potentially libelous. Find sources: "David Williamson" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (August 2023) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Williamson first turned to writing and performing in plays in 1967 with La Mama Theatre Company and the Pram Factory, and rose to prominence in the early 1970s, with works such as Don's Party (later turned into a 1976 film), a comic drama set during the 1969 federal election; and The Removalists (1971). He also collaborated on the screenplays for Gallipoli (1981) and The Year of Living Dangerously (1982). Williamson's work as a playwright focuses on themes of politics, loyalty and family in contemporary urban Australia, particularly in two of its major cities, Melbourne and Sydney. Major stage works include The Club, The Department, Travelling North, The Perfectionist, Emerald City, Money and Friends and Brilliant Lies. Recent work has included Dead White Males, a satirical approach to postmodernism and university ethics; Up for Grabs, which starred Madonna in its London premiere; and the Jack Manning Trilogy (Face To Face, Conversation, Charitable Intent) which take as their format community conferencing, a new form of restorative justice, in which Williamson became interested in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years he has alternated work between larger stages (including Soul Mates, Amigos and Influence – all premiered with the Sydney Theatre Company) and smaller ones (including the Manning trilogy, Flatfoot and Operator, which premiered at the Ensemble Theatre). In 2005, he announced his retirement from main-stage productions, although he has continued to write new plays for the mainstage, many produced with the Ensemble Theatre. He had a serious health problem, cardiac arrhythmia, which had required frequent hospitalisation. An operation resolved this issue, but then in 2009 he had a mild stroke, from which he recovered fully.[1] Williamson was instrumental in the founding of the Noosa Long Weekend Festival, a cultural festival in Noosa, Queensland, where he lives. In August 2006 Cate Molloy, former Australian Labor Party member of the Queensland Parliament for Noosa, announced that Williamson would be her campaign manager as she sought to recontest her seat as an Independent. In 2007, Lotte's Gift, a one-woman show starring Karin Schaupp, which traced a journey through Schaupp's own life as well as those of her mother and grandmother (the Lotte of the title), was produced. In 2021, his memoir, Home Truths, was published by HarperCollins. Reviewing the book for The Sydney Morning Herald, Peter Craven wrote "He comes across as a likeable, flawed fellow with no more blindness than people of lesser talent".[2] Personal life Williamson is married to Kristin Williamson (sister of independent filmmaker Chris Löfvén) who have homes in Sydney and on Queensland's Sunshine Coast. They have five adult children and 11 grandchildren.[1] His son, Rory Williamson, and his stepson, Felix Williamson, are both actors. Rory starred as Stork in the 2001 revival of The Coming of Stork at the Stables Theatre in Sydney, produced by Felix's company, the Bare Naked Theatre Company.[citation needed] Honours and awards 1971 – British George Devine Award 1972 – Australian Writers Guild Awgie Award for best stage play and best script with The Removalists 1983 – appointed an Officer of the Order of Australia[3] 1988 – Honorary Doctor of Letters, University of Sydney 1990 – Honorary Doctor of Letters, Monash University 1995 – Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Drama Award for Sanctuary [4] 1996 – chosen to deliver the inaugural Andrew Olle Media Lecture 1996 – Honorary Doctor of Letters, Swinburne University of Technology 2004 – Honorary Doctor of Letters, University of Queensland 2012 – Nominated Senior Australian of the Year Australian Film Institute Awards 1977 – AFI Award, Best Screenplay, Original or Adapted, Don's Party 1981 – AFI Award, Best Screenplay, Original or Adapted, Gallipoli 1987 – AFI Award, Best Screenplay, Adapted, Travelling North 2009 – AFI Award, Best Screenplay, Adapted, Balibo (shared with director Robert Connolly) Helpmann Awards The Helpmann Awards is an awards show, celebrating live entertainment and performing arts in Australia, presented by industry group Live Performance Australia (LPA) since 2001.[5] In 2005, Williamson received the JC Williamson Award, the LPA's highest honour, for their life's work in live performance.[6] Year Nominee / work Award Result 2005 Himself JC Williamson Award awarded Writings Plays The Indecent Exposure of Anthony East (1968) You've Got to Get on Jack (1970) The Coming of Stork (1970) The Removalists (1971) Don's Party (1971) Jugglers Three (1972) What If You Died Tomorrow? (1973) The Department (1975) A Handful of Friends (1976) The Club (1977) Travelling North (1979) Celluloid Heroes (1980) The Perfectionist (1982) Sons of Cain (1985) Emerald City (1987) Top Silk (1989) Siren (1990) Money and Friends (1991) Brilliant Lies (1993) Sanctuary (1994) Dead White Males (1995) Heretic (1996) Third World Blues (1997, adaptation of Jugglers Three) After The Ball (1997) Corporate Vibes (1999) Face to Face (2000) The Great Man (2000) Up for Grabs (2001) A Conversation (2001) Charitable Intent (2001) Soulmates (2002) Flatfoot (2003) Birthrights (2003) Amigos (2004) Operator (2005) Influence (2005) Lotte's Gift (2007) – also known as Strings Under My Fingers Scarlett O'Hara at the Crimson Parrot (2008) Let the Sunshine[7] (2009) Don Parties On (2011) At Any Cost? (2011) Nothing Personal (2011) When Dad Married Fury (2011) Managing Carmen (2012) Happiness (2013) Rupert (2013) Cruise Control (2014) Dream Home (2015) Jack of Hearts (2016) Credentials (2017) Sorting Out Rachel (2018) Nearer the Gods (2018)[8] The Big Time (2019) Family Values (2020) Crunch Time (2020) Screenplays Stork (1971) – based on his play Libido (1972) – segment "The Family Man" Petersen (1974) The Removalists (1975) – based on his play Eliza Fraser (1975) Don's Party (1976) – based on his play The Department (1980) (TV movie) – based on his play The Club (1980) – based on his play Gallipoli (1981) Duet for Four (1982) The Year of Living Dangerously (1983) Phar Lap (1983) The Last Bastion (1984) (TV series) – also produced The Perfectionist (1987) (TV movie) – based on his play Emerald City (1987) – based on his play Touch the Sun: Princess Kate (1988) (TV) A Dangerous Life (1988) (TV mini-series) The Four Minute Mile (1988) Sanctuary (1995) – based on his play Brilliant Lies (1996) – based on his play Dog's Head Bay (1999) (TV series) – 13 episodes On the Beach (2000) (TV series) Balibo (2009) Face to Face (2011) – based on his play References Michael Shmith, "Lunch with David Williamson", The Age, 7 September 2013, Life&Style, p. 3 Craven, Peter (21 October 2021). "The irresistible rise and occasional fall of David Williamson". The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 22 October 2021. "870154". Australian Honours Search Facility. Archived from the original on 19 December 2023. "1995 Human Rights Medal and Awards". Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007. Retrieved 11 August 2007.[dead link] "Events & Programs". Live Performance Australia. Retrieved 17 August 2022. "JC Williamson Award recipients". Helpmann Awards. Live Performance Australia. Archived from the original on 21 March 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2022. "Let The Sunshine". Archived from the original on 12 January 2012. Retrieved 11 July 2009. Nearer the Gods, production details, Queensland Theatre Company External links Official website "David Williamson interviews by Martin Portus, 22 and 23 January 2018" (library record). State Library of New South Wales. Retrieved 4 June 2018. David Williamson at IMDb David Williamson playscripts, Australian Script Centre David Williamson Australian theatre credits at AusStage vte Works by David Williamson Plays The Indecent Exposure of Anthony East (1968) You've Got to Get on Jack (1970) The Coming of Stork (1970) The Removalists (1971) Don's Party (1971) Jugglers Three (1972) What If You Died Tomorrow? (1973) The Department (1975) A Handful of Friends (1976) The Club (1977) King Lear (1978) Travelling North (1979) Celluloid Heroes (1980) The Perfectionist (1982) Sons of Cain (1985) Emerald City (1987) Top Silk (1989) Siren (1990) Money and Friends (1991) Brilliant Lies (1993) Sanctuary (1994) Dead White Males (1995) Heretic (1996) Third World Blues (1997) After the Ball (1997) Corporate Vibes (1999) Face to Face (2000) The Great Man (2000) Up for Grabs (2001) A Conversation (2001) Charitable Intent (2001) Soulmates (2002) Flatfoot (2003) Birthrights (2003) Amigos (2004) Operator (2005) Influence (2005) Lotte's Gift (2007) Scarlett O'Hara at the Crimson Parrot (2008) Let the Sunshine (2009) Rhinestone Rex and Miss Monica (2010) Don Parties On (2011) At Any Cost? (2011) Nothing Personal (2011) When Dad Married Fury (2011) Managing Carmen (2012) Happiness (2013) Rupert (2013) Cruise Control (2014) Dream Home (2015) Jack of Hearts (2016) Odd Man Out (2017) Credentials (2017) Sorting Out Rachel (2018) Nearer the Gods (2018) The Big Time (2019) Family Values (2020) Crunch Time (2020) The Great Divide (2024) Screenplays Stork (1971) Libido (1973) Petersen (1974) The Removalists (1975) Eliza Fraser (1975) Don's Party (1976) The Department (1980) (TV movie) The Club (1980) Gallipoli (1981) Duet for Four (1982) The Year of Living Dangerously (1983) Phar Lap (1983) The Last Bastion (1984) (TV series) - also produced The Perfectionist (1987) (TV movie) Emerald City (1987) Travelling North (1987) Touch the Sun: Princess Kate (1988) (TV) A Dangerous Life (1988) (TV mini-series) The Four Minute Mile (1988) Sanctuary (1995) Brilliant Lies (1996) Dog's Head Bay (1999) (TV series) On the Beach (2000) (TV series) Balibo (2009) Face to Face (2011) vte JC Williamson Award Edna Edgley (1998) Kenn Brodziak (1998) Googie Withers (1999) John McCallum (1999) Ruth Cracknell (2001) Clifford Hocking (2001) Kevin Jacobsen (2002) Graeme Murphy (2002) Wendy Blacklock (2003) John Robertson (2003) John Farnham (2004) John Sumner (2004) Joan Sutherland (2005) David Williamson (2005) John Clark (2006) Graeme Bell (2006) Margaret Scott (2007) Barry Tuckwell (2007) Sue Nattrass (2008) Barry Humphries (2008) John Bell (2009) Michael Gudinski (2009) Tony Gould (2010) Brian Nebenzahl (2010) Nancye Hayes (2011) Toni Lamond (2011) Jill Perryman (2011) Jimmy Little (2012) Katharine Brisbane (2012) Kylie Minogue (2013) David Blenkinsop (2013) John Frost (2014) Paul Kelly (2015) Stephen Page (2016) Richard Tognetti (2017) Robyn Archer (2018) Reg Livermore (2018) Robyn Nevin (2018) Archie Roach (2018) Jim Sharman (2018) Kev Carmody (2019) vte Longford Lyell Award Ian Dunlop (1968) Stanley Hawes (1970) Ken G. Hall (1976) Charles Chauvel (1977) Marie Lorraine, Paulette McDonagh, and Phyllis McDonagh (1978) Jerzy Toeplitz (1979) Tim Burstall (1980) Phillip Adams (1981) Eric Porter (1982) Bill Gooley (1983) David Williamson (1984) Don Crosby (1985) Barry Jones (1986) Paul Riomfalvy (1987) Russell Boyd (1988) John Meillon (1989) Peter Weir (1990) Fred Schepisi (1991) Lee Robinson (1992) Sue Milliken (1993) Jack Thompson (1994) George Miller (1995) Jan Chapman (1997) Bud Tingwell (1998) John Politzer (1999) Anthony Buckley (2000) David Stratton (2001) Patricia Edgar (2002) Ted Robinson (2003) Patricia Lovell (2004) Ray Barrett (2005) Ian Jones (2006) David Hannay (2007) Dione Gilmour (2008) Geoffrey Rush (2009) Reg Grundy (2010) Donald McAlpine (2012) Al Clark (2013) Jacki Weaver (2014) Andrew Knight (2015) Cate Blanchett (2015) Paul Hogan (2016) Phillip Noyce (2017) Bryan Brown (2018) Sam Neill (2019) David Gulpilil (2021) Catherine Martin (2022) Portals: Biography icon Theatre flag Australia Authority control databases Edit this at Wikidata International FAST ISNI VIAF National Norway Spain France BnF data Germany Israel United States Czech Republic Australia Croatia Netherlands Poland Academics CiNii Other SNAC IdRef Categories: 1942 births20th-century Australian dramatists and playwrights20th-century Australian male writers20th-century Australian non-fiction writers20th-century Australian screenwriters20th-century essayists21st-century Australian dramatists and playwrights21st-century Australian male writers21st-century Australian non-fiction writers21st-century Australian screenwriters21st-century essayists21st-century memoiristsActing theoristsAustralian essayistsAustralian historical fiction writersAustralian male dramatists and playwrightsAustralian male non-fiction writersAustralian male screenwritersAustralian memoiristsAustralian satiristsAustralian television writersCritics of postmodernismHelpmann Award winnersLecturersLiving peopleMonash University alumniOfficers of the Order of AustraliaPeople educated at University High School, MelbournePeople from BairnsdaleAustralian psychological fiction writersAcademic staff of Swinburne University of TechnologyTheatre theoristsTheatrologistsWriters about activism and social changeWriters about theatreWriters from MelbourneWriters of historical fiction set in the Middle AgesWriters of historical fiction set in the modern age

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ A searing documentary that thrusts viewers into the heart of the Cambodian tragedy under Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge regime. This raw, unfiltered reporting exposes the harrowing aftermath of genocide, attributing the devastating events to geopolitical power plays. With haunting imagery and poignant narratives, the film captures the desolation, starvation, and utter despair faced by a ravaged nation, emphasizing the human toll amid political maneuvering. Its impassioned advocacy mobilized global aid, offering a glimmer of hope amidst the darkness. Year Zero (Khmer: ឆ្នាំសូន្យ, Chhnăm Sony [cʰnam soːn]) is an idea put into practice by Pol Pot in Democratic Kampuchea that all culture and traditions within a society must be completely destroyed or discarded and that a new revolutionary culture must replace it starting from scratch. In this sense, all of the history of a nation or a people before Year Zero would be largely deemed irrelevant, because it would ideally be purged and replaced from the ground up. The new rulers of Cambodia call 1975 "Year Zero", the dawn of an age in which there will be no families, no sentiment, no expressions of love or grief, no medicines, no hospitals, no schools, no books, no learning, no holidays, no music, no song, no post, no money – only work and death. John Pilger, Year Zero: The Silent Death of Cambodia (1979)[1] The first day of "Year Zero" was declared by the Khmer Rouge on 17 April 1975 upon their takeover of Cambodia in order to signify a rebirth of Cambodian history.[2][better source needed] Adopting the term as an analogy to the "Year One" of the French Revolutionary Calendar,[3][better source needed] Year Zero was effectually an attempt by the Khmer Rouge to erase history and reset Cambodian society, removing any vestiges of the past. Concept and background Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge, most of whom were French-educated communists,[4] took inspiration from the concept of "Year One" in the French Revolutionary Calendar.[citation needed] The French "Year One" came about during the French Revolution when, after the abolition of the French monarchy on 20 September 1792, the National Convention instituted a new calendar and declared that date to be the beginning of Year I.[3] Year Zero of Cambodia In 1975, the Khmer Rouge forces took over Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia (subsequently renamed Democratic Kampuchea, 1975–1979).[5] Upon seizing power, Year Zero was decreed.[3][better source needed] Hoping to transform the nation into an agrarian utopia, communist leader Pol Pot set out to reconstruct the country into a pre-industrial, classless society by attempting to turn all citizens into rural agricultural workers rather than educated city dwellers, whom Pot and his regime believed to have been corrupted by western, capitalist ideas.[6][5] He declared that the nation would start again at "Year Zero", and everything that existed before Year Zero was to be eradicated. In other words, this was to be a complete and thorough reset (or even cleansing) of Cambodian society. He isolated his people from the global community; established rural collectives; dismantled the social fabric and infrastructure of Cambodia; and set about the emptying of cities, as well as the abolition of money (thus also destroying banks), private property, families, and religion.[5] To build the new Cambodian society, the inhabitants of the depopulated cities were sent to labour camps.[7] The people of Phnom Penh, in particular, were forced immediately to "return to the villages" to work. Similar evacuations occurred at Batdambang, Kampong Cham, Siem Reap, Kampong Thom, among others.[2][better source needed] Knowledge of anything pre-Year Zero was prohibited. To ensure that there was no recorded memory of a pre-Year Zero society, books were burned. (Wearing glasses was also criminalized as it was taken to indicate that one might habitually read books.)[4][failed verification] In Democratic Kampuchea, the only acceptable lifestyle was that of peasant agricultural workers. Centuries of Cambodian culture and institutions were thereby eliminated—shutting down factories, hospitals, schools, and universities—along with anyone who expressed interest in their preservation. So-called New People—members of the old governments and intellectuals in general, including lawyers, doctors, teachers, engineers, clergy, and qualified professionals in all fields—were thought to be a threat to the new regime and were therefore especially singled out and executed during the purges accompanying Year Zero.[6] The Khmer Rouge's takeover was rapidly followed by a series of drastic revolutionary de-industrialization policies which resulted in a death toll that vastly exceeded the toll that resulted from the French Reign of Terror.[citation needed] See also Cambodian genocide Killing Fields Communist terrorism Crimes against humanity under Communist regimes Cultural genocide Germany, Year Zero (1948 film) Mass killings under Communist regimes Stunde Null Year One Year Zero: The Silent Death of Cambodia (1979 documentary film) Man in the High Castle (2015-2019 TV series) - In a 2018 episode of the show titled 'Jahr Null', a 'Year Zero' similar to that enacted in Cambodia by Pol Pot is enacted in the United States by ruling Nazi German forces. References "Year Zero: The Silent Death of Cambodia". Hays, Jeffrey. "KHMER ROUGE YEAR ZERO: THE EMPTYING OF PHNOM PENH | Facts and Details". factsanddetails.com. Retrieved 2021-04-25. Gfroerer, John. 2017 December 3. "John Gfroerer: Moving to Year Zero." Concord Monitor. Retrieved 2021 April 25. Thul, Prak Chan (2019-08-04). "Cambodian Khmer Rouge's chief ideologist, 'Brother Number Two', dead at 93". Reuters. Retrieved 2021-04-26. "Khmer Rouge: Cambodia's years of brutality". BBC News. 2018-11-16. Retrieved 2021-04-25. "Khmer Rouge ideology". Holocaust Memorial Day Trust. Retrieved 2021-04-25. Blue, Wayland J. (2020-07-19). "Return to Year Zero: The Cambodian Genocide". History of Yesterday. Medium. Retrieved 2021-04-25. Further reading Lunn, Richard. 2004. Leaving Year Zero: Stories of Surviving Pol Pot's Cambodia. UWA Publishing. ISBN 1920694102. Pilger, John. 2014. "Year Zero." In Tell Me No Lies: Investigative Journalism and its Triumphs, edited by J. Pilger. London: Random House UK. Ponchaud, François. 1978. Cambodia: Year Zero, translated by N. Amphoux. New York: Henry Holt & Co. ISBN 9780030403064. See, excerpt from pp. 67, 69, 70 vte Cambodian genocide Ideologies Communism Marxism–Leninism New People Year Zero Khmer nationalism Stalinism Crimes Killing caves of Phnom Sampeau Killing Fields Ba Chúc massacre Thổ Chu Island massacre S-21 Choeung Ek Dangrek genocide Perpetrators "Angkar" Pol Pot Nuon Chea Ieng Sary Khieu Samphan Son Sen Ta Mok Khmer Rouge Communist Party of Kampuchea Liberation Army of Kampuchea Santebal Kang Kek Iew Mam Nai Tang Sin Hean Victims Bun Chanmol Chau Seng Chou Chet Hu Nim John Dawson Dewhirst Joseph Chhmar Salas Keo Meas Kerry Hamill Koy Thuon Ly Theam Teng Michael S. Deeds Ney Sarann Non Suon Phouk Chhay Tauch Phoeun Trinh Hoanh Paul Tep Im Sotha So Phim Tiv Ol Vorn Vet Survivors Bou Meng Chum Mey Dith Pran Haing S. Ngor Kim Sathavy Mengly Jandy Quach Prum Manh Vann Nath Investigations People's Revolutionary Tribunal Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia Documentation Center of Cambodia Bophana Center Categories: Khmer Rouge Cambodian genocide1975 in Cambodia Pol Pot

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The Rockefeller family is an American industrial, political, and banking family that owns one of the world's largest fortunes. The fortune was made in the American petroleum industry during the late 19th and early 20th centuries by brothers John D. Rockefeller and William A. Rockefeller Jr., primarily through Standard Oil (the predecessor of ExxonMobil and Chevron Corporation).[1] The family had a long association with, and control of, Chase Manhattan Bank.[2] By 1987, the Rockefellers were considered one of the most powerful families in American history.[3] The Rockefeller family originated in Rhineland in Germany and family members moved to the Americas in the early 18th century, while through Eliza Davison, with family roots in Middlesex County, New Jersey, John D. Rockefeller and William A. Rockefeller Jr. and their descendants are also of Scots-Irish ancestry.[4] Background The Rockefeller family originated in the Rhineland region in Germany and can be traced to the town Neuwied in the early 17th century. The American family branch is descended from Johann Peter Rockefeller (1681-1763), who migrated from the Rhineland to Philadelphia in the Province of Pennsylvania around 1723. In the US, he became a plantation owner and landholder in Somerville, and Amwell, New Jersey.[5][6][7] One of the first members of the Rockefeller family in New York was businessman William A. Rockefeller Sr., who was born to a Protestant family in Granger, New York. He had six children with his first wife Eliza Davison, a daughter of a Scots-Irish farmer,[4] the most prominent of which were oil tycoons John D. Rockefeller and William A. Rockefeller Jr., the co-founders of Standard Oil. John D. Rockefeller (known as "Senior", as opposed to his son John D. Rockefeller Jr., known as "Junior") was a devout Northern Baptist, and he supported many church-based institutions.[8][9][10] While the Rockefeller family are mostly Baptists,[11][12] some of the Rockefellers were Episcopalians.[13] Wealth The Rockefeller brothers John D. Rockefeller Sr. William A. Rockefeller Jr. The combined wealth of the family—their total assets and investments plus the individual wealth of its members—has never been known with any precision. The records of the family archives relating to both the family and individual members' net worth are closed to researchers.[14] From the outset, the family's wealth has been under the complete control of the male members of the dynasty, through the family office. Despite strong-willed wives who had influence over their husbands' decisions—such as the pivotal female figure Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, wife of John D. Rockefeller Jr.—in all cases they received allowances only and were never given even partial responsibility for the family fortune.[15] Much of the wealth has been locked up in the family trust of 1934 (which holds the bulk of the fortune and matures on the death of the fourth generation) and the trust of 1952, both administered by Chase Bank, the corporate successor to Chase Manhattan Bank. These trusts have consisted of shares in the successor companies to Standard Oil and other diversified investments, as well as the family's considerable real estate holdings. They are administered by a trust committee that oversees the fortune. Management of this fortune today also rests with professional money managers who oversee the principal holding company, Rockefeller Financial Services, which controls all the family's investments. The Rockefeller Center is no longer owned by the family. Its present chairman and patriarch is David Rockefeller Jr. In 1992, it had five main arms: Rockefeller & Co. (Money management: Universities have invested some of their endowments in this company); Venrock Associates (Venture Capital: an early investment in Apple Computer was one of many it made in Silicon Valley entrepreneurial start-ups); Rockefeller Trust Company (Manages hundreds of family trusts); Rockefeller Insurance Company (Manages liability insurance for family members); Acadia Risk Management (Insurance Broker: Contracts out policies for the family's vast art collections, real estate and private planes.)[16] Real estate and institutions Rockefeller Center at night, December 1934 John D. Rockefeller Jr., the first president of the Rockefeller Foundation The family was heavily involved in numerous real estate construction projects in the U.S. during the 20th century.[17] Chief among them: Rockefeller Center, a multi-building complex built at the start of the Depression in Midtown Manhattan. The construction of Rockefeller Center was financed solely by the family International House of New York, New York City, 1924 (John Jr.) {Involvement: John III, Abby Aldrich, David & Peggy, David Jr., Abby O'Neill} Wren Building, College of William and Mary, Virginia, from 1927 (Renovation funded by Junior) Colonial Williamsburg, Virginia, from 1927 onwards (Junior), Abby Aldrich, John III and Winthrop, historical restoration Colonial Williamsburg Museum of Modern Art, New York City, from 1929 (Abby Aldrich, John Jr., Blanchette, Nelson, David, David Jr., Sharon Percy Rockefeller) Riverside Church, New York City, 1930 (John Jr.) The Cloisters, New York City, from 1934 (John Jr.) Rockefeller Apartments, New York City, 1936 (John Jr., Nelson)[18]: 333–334  The Interchurch Center, New York City, 1948 (John Jr.) Asia Society (Asia House), New York City, 1956 (John III) One Chase Manhattan Plaza, New York City, 1961 (David) Nelson A. Rockefeller Empire State Plaza, Albany, New York, 1962 (Nelson) Lincoln Center, New York City, 1962 (John III) World Trade Center Twin Towers, New York City, 1973–2001 (David and Nelson) Embarcadero Center, San Francisco, 1974 (David) Council of the Americas/Americas Society, New York City, 1985 (David) In addition to this is Senior and Junior's involvement in seven major housing developments: Forest Hill Estates, Cleveland, Ohio City Housing Corporation's efforts, Sunnyside Gardens, Queens, New York City Thomas Garden Apartments, The Bronx, New York City Paul Laurence Dunbar Housing, Harlem, New York City Lavoisier Apartments, Manhattan, New York City Van Tassel Apartments, Sleepy Hollow, New York (formerly North Tarrytown) A development in Radburn, New Jersey[19][20] A further project involved David Rockefeller in a major middle-income housing development when he was elected in 1947 as chairman of Morningside Heights, Inc., in Manhattan by fourteen major institutions that were based in the area, including Columbia University. The result, in 1951, was the six-building apartment complex known as Morningside Gardens.[21] Senior's donations led to the formation of the University of Chicago in 1889; the Central Philippine University in the Philippines (The first Baptist university and second American university in Asia); and the Chicago School of Economics.[22] This was one instance of a long family and Rockefeller Foundation tradition of financially supporting Ivy League and other major colleges and universities over the generations—seventy-five in total. These include: Harvard University Dartmouth College Princeton University University of California, Berkeley Stanford University Yale University Massachusetts Institute of Technology Brown University Tufts University Columbia University Cornell University University of Pennsylvania Spelman College Case Western Reserve University Institutions overseas such as London School of Economics and University College London, among many others.[23] Rockefeller University Senior (and Junior) also created Rockefeller University in 1901 General Education Board in 1902, which later (1923) evolved into the International Education Board Rockefeller Sanitary Commission in 1910 Bureau of Social Hygiene in 1913 (Junior) International Health Division in 1913 China Medical Board in 1915. Rockefeller Museum, British Mandate of Palestine, 1925–30 In the 1920s, the International Education Board granted important fellowships to pathbreakers in modern mathematics, such as Stefan Banach, Bartel Leendert van der Waerden, and André Weil, which was a formative part of the gradual shift of world mathematics to the US over this period. To help promote cooperation between physics and mathematics Rockefeller funds also supported the erection of the new Mathematical Institute at the University of Göttingen between 1926 and 1929 The rise of probability and mathematical statistics owes much to the creation of the Institut Henri Poincaré in Paris, partly by the Rockefellers' finances, also around this time.[24] John D Jr. established International House at Berkeley. Junior was responsible for the creation and endowment of the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, which operates the restored historical town at Williamsburg, Virginia, one of the most extensive historic restorations ever undertaken. Residences Over the generations, the family members have resided in some historic homes. A total of 81 Rockefeller residences are on the National Register of Historic Places.[25] Not including all homes owned by the five brothers, some of the more prominent of these residences are: One Beekman Place - The residence of Laurance in New York City. 10 West 54th Street - A nine-story single-family home, the former residence of Junior before he shifted to 740 Park Avenue, and the largest residence in New York City at the time, it was the home for the five young brothers; it was later given by Junior to the Museum of Modern Art.[26] 13 West 54th Street - A four-story townhouse used by Junior and Abby between 1901[27] and 1913.[26] 740 Park Avenue - Junior and Abby's famed 40-room triplex apartment in the luxury New York City apartment building, which was later sold for a record price. Bassett Hall - The house at Colonial Williamsburg bought by Junior in 1927 and renovated by 1936, it was the favourite residence of both Junior and Abby and is now a house museum at the family-restored Colonial Revival town. The Casements - A three-story house at Ormond Beach in Florida, where Senior spent his last winters, from 1919 until his death. The Eyrie - A sprawling 100-room summer holiday home on Mount Desert Island in Maine, demolished by family members in 1962. Forest Hill - The family's country estate and a summer home in Cleveland, Ohio, for four decades; built and occupied by Senior, it burned down in 1917. Golf House at Lakewood, New Jersey - The former three-story clubhouse for the elite Ocean County Hunt and Country Club, which Senior bought in 1902 to play golf on its golf course. Kykuit, also known as the John D. Rockefeller Estate - The landmark six-story, 40-room home on the vast Westchester County family estate, home to four generations of the family. The JY Ranch - The landmark ranch in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, the holiday resort home built by Junior and later owned by Laurance, which was used by all members of the family and had many prominent visitors, including presidents until Laurance donated it to the federal government in 2001. The Rocks - 1940 Shepard Street NW and 2121 Park Road NW, Washington, DC - The 12,000 square foot house sits on 15.9 acres bordering Rock Creek Park; and is the largest residential property in the District of Columbia. Built by Daisy Blodgett for her daughter Mona in 1927, the name refers to its location, not the current owner. The property was purchased by Jay Rockefeller in 1984 when he became US Senator for West Virginia. He and his wife, Sharon Percy Rockefeller continue to live there.[28] Rockwood Hall - The former home of William Rockefeller Jr. (demolished in the 1940s). Rockefeller Guest House - The guest house of Blanchette Ferry Rockefeller.[18] Kykuit, the landmark family home in Sleepy Hollow, New York Kykuit, the landmark family home in Sleepy Hollow, New York The Casements, the family's former winter residence in Florida The Casements, the family's former winter residence in Florida Rockwood Hall, Mount Pleasant, New York Rockwood Hall, Mount Pleasant, New York Rockefeller Guest House, New York City Rockefeller Guest House, New York City Politics Prominent banker David Rockefeller Sr. was the family patriarch until his death in 2017. In 1960, when his brother Nelson Rockefeller was governor of New York, David Sr. successfully pressed for a repeal of a New York state law that restricted Chase Manhattan Bank from operating outside the city. David Sr. was twice offered the post of Treasury secretary by President Richard M. Nixon, but declined on both occasions. In 1979, he used his high-level contacts to bring Mohammad Reza Shah of Iran, who had been overthrown in the Iranian Revolution and was in poor health, for medical treatment in the United States. In 1998, he was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Bill Clinton for his work on International Executive Service Corps.[29] Political offices held Vice President Nelson Rockefeller Governor Winthrop Rockefeller Senator John D. Rockefeller IV Nelson Rockefeller (1908–1979) 1st Assistant Secretary of State for American Republic Affairs, 1944–1945 1st Under Secretary Health, Education and Welfare, 1953–1954 Governor of New York, 1959–1973 U.S. Vice President, 1974–1977 Winthrop Rockefeller (1912–1973) Governor of Arkansas, 1967–1971 John Davison Rockefeller IV (b. 1937) Member of West Virginia House of Delegates, 1966–1968 Secretary of State of West Virginia, 1969–1973 Governor of West Virginia, 1977–1985 U.S. Senator from West Virginia, 1985–2015 Winthrop Paul Rockefeller (1948–2006) Lieutenant Governor of Arkansas, 1996–2006 Legacy A trademark of the dynasty over its 140-plus years has been the remarkable unity it has maintained, despite major divisions that developed in the late 1970s, and unlike other wealthy families such as the Du Ponts and the Mellons. A primary reason has been the lifelong efforts of "Junior" to not only cleanse the name from the disgrace stemming from the ruthless practices of Standard Oil but his tireless efforts to forge family unity even as he allowed his five sons to operate independently. This was partly achieved by regular brothers and family meetings, but it was also because of the high value placed on family unity by first Nelson and John III, and later especially with David.[30] Regarding achievements, in 1972, on the 100th anniversary of the founding of Andrew Carnegie's philanthropy, the Carnegie Corporation, which has had a long association with the family and its institutions, released a public statement on the influence of the family on not just philanthropy but encompassing a much wider field. Summing up a predominant view among the international philanthropic world, albeit one poorly grasped by the public, one sentence of this statement read: "The contributions of the Rockefeller family are staggering in their extraordinary range and in the scope of their contribution to humankind."[31] John D. Rockefeller gave away US$540 million over his lifetime (in dollar terms of that time), and became the greatest lay benefactor of medicine in history.[32] His son, Junior, also gave away over $537 million over his lifetime, bringing the total philanthropy of just two generations of the family to over $1 billion from 1860 to 1960.[33] Added to this, The New York Times declared in a report in November 2006 that David Rockefeller's total charitable benefactions amount to about $900 million over his lifetime.[34] The combined personal and social connections of the various family members are vast, both in the United States and throughout the world, including the most powerful politicians, royalty, public figures, and chief businessmen. Figures through Standard Oil alone have included Henry Flagler and Henry H. Rogers. Contemporary figures include Henry Kissinger, Richard Parsons (chairman and CEO of Time Warner), C. Fred Bergsten, Peter G. Peterson (Senior Chairman of the Blackstone Group), and Paul Volcker. In 1991, the family was presented with the Honor Award from the National Building Museum for four generations worth of preserving and creating some of the U.S.'s most important buildings and places. David accepted the award on the family's behalf.[35] The ceremony coincided with an exhibition on the family's contributions to the built environment, including John Sr.'s preservation efforts for the Hudson River Palisades, the restoration of Williamsburg, Virginia, construction of Rockefeller Center, and Governor Nelson's efforts to construct low- and middle-income housing in New York state.[36] The Rockefeller name is imprinted in numerous places throughout the United States, including within New York City, but also in Cleveland, where the family originates: Rockefeller Center - A landmark 19-building 22-acre (89,000 m2) complex in Midtown Manhattan established by Junior: Older section constructed from 1930 to 1939; Newer section constructed during the 1960s-1970s; Rockefeller Apartments - An apartment building in Midtown Manhattan Rockefeller University - Renamed in 1965, this is the distinguished Nobel prize-winning graduate/postgraduate medical school (formerly the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research, established by Senior in 1901); Rockefeller Foundation - Founded in 1913, this is the famous philanthropic organization set up by Senior and Junior; Rockefeller Brothers Fund - Founded in 1940 by the third-generation's five sons and one daughter of Junior; Rockefeller Family Fund - Founded in 1967 by members of the family's fourth-generation; Rockefeller Group - A private family-run real estate development company based in New York that originally owned, constructed and managed Rockefeller Center, it is now wholly owned by Mitsubishi Estate Co. Ltd; Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors - is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization that advises donors in their philanthropic endeavours throughout the world; Rockefeller Research Laboratories Building - A major research centre into cancer that was established in 1986 and named after Laurance, this is located at the Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center; Rockefeller Center - Home of the International Student Services office and department of philosophy, politics and law at the State University of New York at Binghamton; Rockefeller Chapel - Completed in 1928, this is the tallest building on the campus of the University of Chicago, established by Senior in 1889; Rockefeller Hall - Established by Senior in 1906, this building houses the Case Western Reserve University Physics Department; Rockefeller Hall - Established by Senior and completed in 1906, this building houses the Cornell University Physics Department;[37] Rockefeller Hall - Established by Senior in 1887, who granted Vassar College a $100,000 ($2.34 million in 2006 dollars) allowance to build additional, much needed lecture space. The final cost of the facility was $99,998.75. It now houses multi-purpose classrooms and departmental offices for political science, philosophy and math; Rockefeller Hall - Established by Senior and completed in 1886, this is the oldest building on the campus of Spelman College; Rockefeller College - Named after John D. Rockefeller III, this is a residential college at Princeton University; Michael C. Rockefeller Arts Center - Completed in 1969 in memory of Nelson Rockefeller's son, this is a cultural centre at the State University of New York at Fredonia; The Michael C. Rockefeller Collection and the Department of Primitive Art - Completed in 1982 after being initiated by Nelson, this is a wing of the Metropolitan Museum of Art; David and Peggy Rockefeller Building - A tribute to David's wife, Peggy Rockefeller, this is a new (completed in 2004) six-story building housing the main collection and temporary exhibition galleries of the family's Museum of Modern Art; Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Sculpture Garden - Completed in 1949 by David, this is a major outdoor feature of the Museum of Modern Art; Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art Museum - Opened in 1957 by Junior, this is a leading folk art museum just outside the historic district of Junior's Colonial Williamsburg; Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Hall - The freshman residence hall on the campus of Spelman College; Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial Building - Completed in 1918, it is among other things a student residence hall at Spelman College, after the wife of Senior and after whom the college was named; Rockefeller State Park Preserve - Part of the 3,400-acre (14 km2) family estate in Westchester County, this 1,233-acre (5 km2) preserve was officially handed over to New York State in 1983, although it had previously always been open to the public; Marsh-Billings-Rockefeller National Historical Park - Established as a historical museum of conservation by Laurance during the 1990s. John D. Rockefeller Jr. Memorial Parkway - Established in 1972 through Congressional authorization, connecting Yellowstone and Grand Teton National Parks; Rockefeller Forest - Funded by Junior, this is located within Humboldt Redwoods State Park, California's largest redwood state park; Either of two US congressional committees {in 1972 - John D. III and 1975 - Nelson dubbed the Rockefeller Commission}. Rockefeller Park, a scenic park featuring gardens dedicated to several world nations along Martin Luther King Jr. Blvd. between University Circle and Lake Erie in Cleveland. Winthrop Rockefeller Institute of the University of Arkansas System was established in 2005 with a grant from the Winthrop Rockefeller Charitable Trust. The educational center with conference and lodging facilities is located on Petit Jean Mountain near Morrilton, Arkansas, on the original grounds of Gov. Winthrop Rockefeller's model cattle farm. David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies at Harvard University. Rockefeller Quad at the Loomis Chaffee School Rockefeller Complex library at Niels Bohr Institute, Nørrebro, Copenhagen Municipality in Denmark John Jr., through his son Nelson, purchased and then donated the land upon which sits the United Nations headquarters, in New York, in 1946. Earlier, in the 1920s, he had also donated a substantial amount towards the restoration and rehabilitation of major buildings in France after World War I, such as the Rheims Cathedral, the Fontainebleau Palace and the Palace of Versailles, for which he was later (1936) awarded France's highest decoration, the Grand Croix of the Legion d'Honneur (subsequently also awarded decades later to his son, David Rockefeller). He also funded the excavations at Luxor in Egypt, as well as establishing a Classical Studies School in Athens. In addition, he provided the funding for the construction of the Palestine Archaeological Museum in East Jerusalem - the Rockefeller Museum.[38] Conservation Beginning with John D. Rockefeller Sr., the family has been a major force in land conservation.[39] Over the generations, it has created more than 20 national parks and open spaces, including the Cloisters, Acadia National Park, Forest Hill Park, the Nature Conservancy, the Rockefeller Forest in California's Humboldt Redwoods State Park (the largest stand of old-growth redwoods), and Grand Teton National Park, among many others. John Jr., and his son Laurance (and his son Laurance Jr. aka Larry) were particularly prominent in this area. The family was honoured for its conservation efforts in November 2005, by the National Audubon Society, one of the United States' largest and oldest conservation organizations, at which over 30 family members attended. At the event, the society's president, John Flicker, stated: "Cumulatively, no other family in America has made the contribution to conservation that the Rockefeller family has made".[39] In 2016 fifth-generation descendants of John Sr. criticized ExxonMobil, one of the successors to his company Standard Oil, for their record on climate change. The Rockefeller Brothers Fund and the Rockefeller Family Fund both backed reports suggesting that ExxonMobil knew more about the threat of global warming than it had disclosed. David Kaiser, grandson of David Rockefeller Sr. and president of the Rockefeller Family Fund, said that the "...company seems to be morally bankrupt." Valerie Rockefeller Wayne, daughter of former Senator Jay Rockefeller, said, "Because the source of the family wealth is fossil fuels, we feel an enormous moral responsibility for our children, for everyone -- to move forward."[40] The Rockefeller Brothers Fund announced it was divesting from fossil fuels in September 2014, the Rockefeller Family Fund announced plans to divest in March 2016, and the Rockefeller Foundation pledged to dump their fossil fuel holdings in December 2020.[41][42][43] With a $5 billion endowment, the Rockefeller Foundation was "the largest US foundation to embrace the rapidly growing divestment movement." CNN writer Matt Egan noted, "This divestment is especially symbolic because the Rockefeller Foundation was founded by oil money."[43] In May 2021 Rockefeller descendants Rebecca Rockefeller Lambert and Peter Gill Case announced a ten-year funding initiative, the Equation Campaign, to fight new fossil fuel development.[44] The archives The Rockefeller family archives are held at the Rockefeller Archive Center in Pocantico Hills, North Tarrytown, New York.[45] At present, the archives of John D. Rockefeller Sr. William Rockefeller, John D. Rockefeller Jr., Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, Abby Rockefeller Mauzé, John D. Rockefeller III, Blanchette Rockefeller, and Nelson Rockefeller are processed and open by appointment to readers in the Archive Center's reading room. Processed portions of the papers of Laurance Rockefeller are also open. In addition, the Archive Center has a microfilm copy of the Winthrop Rockefeller papers, the originals of which are held at the University of Arkansas, Little Rock. The papers of the family office, known as the Office of the Messrs. Rockefeller, are also open for research, although those portions that relate to living family members are closed.[46] Members Ancestors Godfrey Lewis Rockefeller (1783–1857) (m. 1806) Lucy Avery (1786–1867) (ten children) William Avery Rockefeller Sr.[47] (1810–1906) (m. 1837) Eliza Davison (1813–1889) (eight children) Lucy Rockefeller (1838–1878) (m. 1856) Pierson D. Briggs Clorinda Rockefeller (c. 1838–?, died young) (daughter from Nancy Brown) John Davison Rockefeller Sr. (1839–1937) (m. 1864) Laura Celestia "Cettie" Spelman (1839–1915) Cornelia Rockefeller (c. 1840–?) (daughter from Nancy Brown) William Avery Rockefeller Jr. (1841–1922) (m. 1864) Almira Geraldine Goodsell Mary Ann Rockefeller (1843–1925) (m. 1872) William Cullen Rudd Franklin "Frank" Rockefeller (1845–1917) (m. 1870) Helen Elizabeth Scofield Frances Rockefeller (1845–1847) William W. Rockefeller (1788–1851) (m. early 19th century) Eleanor Kisselbrack (1784–1859) Descendants of John Davison Rockefeller Sr. The total number of blood relative descendants as of 2006 was about 150.[citation needed] Elizabeth "Bessie" Rockefeller (1866–1906) (m.1889) Charles Augustus Strong (1862–1940) Margaret Rockefeller Strong (1897–1985) (m. 1st 1927) George de Cuevas (1885–1961), (m. 2nd 1977) Raimundo de Larrain Alice Rockefeller (1869–1870) Alta Rockefeller (1871–1962) (m.1901) Ezra Parmelee Prentice (1863–1955) John Rockefeller Prentice (1902–1972) (m. 1941) Abra Cantrill (1912–1972) Abra Prentice Wilkin (born 1942) Mary Adeline Prentice Gilbert (1907–1981) (m. 1937) Benjamin Davis Gilbert (1907–1992) Spelman Prentice (1911–2000) (m. 3rd 1972) Mimi Walters (four children) Peter Spelman Prentice (born 1940) Alexandra Sartell Prentice (born 1962) Michael Andrew Prentice (born 1964) Edith Rockefeller (1872–1932) (m. 1895) Harold Fowler McCormick John Rockefeller McCormick (1896–1901) Editha McCormick (1897–1898) Harold Fowler McCormick Jr. (1898–1973) (m. 1931) Anne "Fifi" Potter (1879–1969) Muriel McCormick (1902–1959) (m. 1931) Elisha Dyer Hubbard (1906) Mathilde McCormick (1905–1947) (m. 1923) Max Oser (1877–1942) (one child) John Davison Rockefeller Jr. (1874–1960) (m. 1st 1901) Abigail Greene "Abby" Aldrich (1874–1948) Abigail Aldrich "Babs" Rockefeller (1903–1976) (m. 1st 1925, div. 1954) David M. Milton (1900–1976) (m. 2nd 1946, d. 1949) Irving H. Pardee (1892–1949) (m. 3rd 1953, d. 1974) Jean Mauzé (1903–1974) (two children) Abigail Rockefeller "Abby" "Mitzi" Milton O'Neill (1928-2017) m. George Dorr O'Neill Sr. (six children; eighteen grandchildren) Marilyn Ellen Milton (1931–1980) (two children) John Davison Rockefeller III (1906–1978) (m. 1932) Blanchette Ferry Hooker (four children) John Davison "Jay" Rockefeller IV (born 1937) (m. 1967) Sharon Percy (four children) John Davison Rockefeller V (born 1969) m. Emily Tagliabue John Davison Rockefeller VI (born 2007) Justin Aldrich Rockefeller (born 1979) m. Indré Vengris Valerie Rockefeller Wayne Hope Aldrich Rockefeller (born 1938) (three children) Alida Ferry Rockefeller Messinger (born 1949) (m. 1st 1978–1986) Mark Dayton (m. 2nd) William Messinger (three children) Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller (1908–1979) (m. 1st 1930–1962) Mary Todhunter Clark (m. 2nd 1963) Margaretta Large "Happy" Fitler (1926–2015) (seven children) Rodman Clark Rockefeller (1932–2000) (m. 1st 1953–1979) Barbara Ann Olsen (m. 2nd 1980) Alexandra von Metzler (four children) Meile Rockefeller (born 1955) Peter C. Rockefeller (m. 1987) Allison Whipple Rockefeller[48] Steven Clark Rockefeller (born 1936) Mary Clark Rockefeller (born 1938) m. 1st (1961–1974) William J. Strawbridge (three children) Michael Clark Rockefeller (1938–1961) Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller Jr. (born 1964) Mark Fitler Rockefeller (born 1967) Laurance Spelman Rockefeller (1910–2004) (m. 1934) Mary French Laura Spelman Rockefeller Chasin (1936–2015) Marion French Rockefeller (born 1938) Dr. Lucy Rockefeller Waletzky (born 1941) Laurance Rockefeller Jr. (born 1944) (m. 1982) Wendy Gordon (two children)[49] Winthrop Rockefeller (1912–1973) (m. 1st 1948, div. 1954) Jievute "Bobo" Paulekiute (1916–2008) (m. 2nd 1956, div. 1971) Jeannette Edris (1918–1997) Winthrop Paul Rockefeller (1948–2006) (m. 1st 1971, div. 1979) Deborah Cluett Sage (m. 2nd 1983) Lisenne Dudderar (seven children) Andrea Davidson Rockefeller (b. 1972) Katherine Cluett Rockefeller (b. 1974) Winthrop Paul Rockefeller Jr. (b. 1976) William Gordon Rockefeller Colin Kendrick Rockefeller (b. 1990) John Alexander Camp Rockefeller Louis Henry Rockefeller David Rockefeller (1915–2017) (m. 1940) Margaret McGrath (1915–1996) David Rockefeller Jr. (born 1941) (m. 1st divorced) Diana Newell-Rowan (m. 2nd 2008) Susan Cohn (two children) Ariana Rockefeller (born 1982) (m. 1st 2010, div. 2019) Matthew Bucklin[50] Camilla Rockefeller (born 1984)[51][52] Abigail Rockefeller (born 1943) Neva Goodwin Rockefeller (born 1944) (m. 1st divorced) Walter J. Kaiser[53] (m. 2nd) Bruce Mazlish (1923–2016)[54] David Kaiser (1969–2020)[55] Margaret Dulany "Peggy" Rockefeller[56] (born 1947) Richard Gilder Rockefeller (1949–2014);[57][58] married to Nancy King[56] (two children, two step-children)[56][57] Clayton Rockefeller Rebecca Rockefeller Eileen Rockefeller[56] (born 1952) m. Paul Growald (two children) Descendants of William Avery Rockefeller Jr. An article in The New York Times in 1937 stated that William Rockefeller had, at that time, 28 great-grandchildren.[59] Lewis Edward Rockefeller (1865–1866) Emma Rockefeller McAlpin (1868–1934) William Goodsell Rockefeller (1870–1922) (five children) William Avery Rockefeller III (1896–1973) (three children) Elsie Rockefeller m. William Proxmire Godfrey Stillman Rockefeller (1899–1983) (seven children) Godfrey Anderson Rockefeller (1924–2010) James Stillman Rockefeller (1902–2004) (four children) Georgia Rockefeller Rose Andrew Carnegie Rose Louisa d'Andelot du Pont Rose John Davison Rockefeller II (1872–1877) Percy Avery Rockefeller (1878–1934) m. Isabel Goodrich Stillman (five children) Isabel Stillman Rockefeller (1902–1980) m. Frederic Walker Lincoln IV Isabel Lincoln (1927-2016) m. Basil Beebe (Stephen Basil) Elmer Jr. (1924-2007) David Basil Elmer Lucy Lincoln Elmer Monica Elmer Veronica Hoyt Elmer m. Clinton Richard Kanaga Anthony Kanaga Joshua Kanaga Lindsey Kanaga Calista Lincoln (1930-2012) m. Henry Upham Harder (1925-2004) Frederic Walker Lincoln Harder (b. 1953) m. Karin J. E. Bolang (b. 1954) Frederic Harder Calista Harder Gertrude Upham Lincoln Harder (b. 1955) m. James Briggs Alexander Briggs George Briggs Holly Briggs Katherine Briggs Calista Harder (b. 1957) m. Jan Hollyer Elsa Hollyer Ian Hollyer Holly Harris Harder (b. 1961) m. Bruce Kenneth Catlin (b. 1956) Augustus Attilio Catlin (b. 1997) Nickolas Charles Catlin (b. 2000) Caroline Catlin Henry Upham Harder Jr. (b. 1965) m. Natalie Rae Borrok (b. 1965) Haley Rae Harder (b. 1997) Henry Rolston Harder (b. 1999) Charles Lincoln Harder (b. 2003) Percilla Avery Lincoln (1937-2019) m. William Blackstone Chappell Jr. (1935-2017) Richard Blackstone Chappell (1964-2014) Avery Lincoln Chappell (1966-2005) m. J. Kevin Smith Ellery Smith Emeline Smith Stillman Smith Florence Philena Lincoln (b. 1940) m. Thomas Lloyd Short Avery Rockefeller (1903–1986) m. 1923 Anna Griffith Mark (three children) Faith Rockefeller Model (1909–1960) Robert Model (born 1942) Geraldine Rockefeller Dodge (1882–1973) m. Marcellus Hartley Dodge Sr. Marcellus Hartley Dodge Jr. (1908–1930) Spouses Laura Celestia "Cettie" Spelman (1839–1915) – John D. Rockefeller Sr. Abby Greene Aldrich (1874–1948) – John D. Rockefeller Jr. Martha Baird Allen (1895–1971) – John D. Rockefeller Jr. Mary Todhunter Clark "Tod" (1907–1999) – Nelson Rockefeller Margaretta "Happy" Fitler (1926–2015) – Nelson Rockefeller Anne Marie Rasmussen – Steven Clark Rockefeller Blanchette Ferry Hooker (1909–1992) – John D. Rockefeller III Sharon Lee Percy – John D. Rockefeller IV Mary French (1910–1997) – Laurance Rockefeller Wendy Gordon – Laurance "Larry" Rockefeller Jr. Jievute "Bobo" Paulekiute (1916–2008) – Winthrop Rockefeller Jeannette Edris (1918–1997) – Winthrop Rockefeller Deborah Cluett Sage – Winthrop Paul Rockefeller Lisenne Dudderar – Winthrop Paul Rockefeller Margaret "Peggy" McGrath (1915–1996) – David Rockefeller Diana Newell Rowan – David Rockefeller Jr. Nancy King – Richard Gilder Rockefeller. Sarah Elizabeth "Elsie" Stillman (1872–1935) – William Goodsell Rockefeller Isabel Goodrich Stillman (1876–1935) – Percy Avery Rockefeller Family tree Network Associates The following is a list of figures closely aligned with or subordinate to the Rockefeller family. Gianni Agnelli[60][additional citation(s) needed] Nelson W. Aldrich John Dustin Archbold Jabez A. Bostwick Benjamin Brewster Samuel P. Bush Duncan Candler Daniel O'Day C. Douglas Dillon J. Richardson Dilworth Samuel Calvin Tate Dodd William Lukens Elkins[61] Henry Morrison Flagler Simon Flexner Henry Clay Folger Joseph B. Foraker Raymond B. Fosdick Herman Frasch Frederick Taylor Gates Jerome Davis Greene Harkness family Mark Hanna[62][63][64][65] William Rainey Harper E.H. Harriman[66][additional citation(s) needed] Wallace Harrison Oliver Burr Jennings William Lyon Mackenzie King Henry Kissinger Ivy Lee John J. McCloy McCormick family Charles Edward Merriam William S. Paley Richard Parsons Oliver H. Payne Charles H. Percy Peter G. Peterson Pratt family Matthew Quay Eddie Rickenbacker[67][68] Henry H. Rogers Beardsley Ruml[69] John D. Ryan Jacob Schiff[citation needed] Louis Severance James Stillman Feargus B. Squire Walter Teagle Henry Morgan Tilford Paul Volcker John C. Whitehead Businesses The following is a list of companies in which the Rockefeller family have held a controlling or otherwise significant interest. Allegheny Transportation Company Anaconda Copper Arabian-American Oil Company American Smelting & Refining Company Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway[70][71] Atlantic Petroleum[72] Baltimore & Ohio Railroad[73] Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company Buckeye Steel Castings Chase Manhattan Bank[74] Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad[75] Chrysler Corporation[76] Clivus Multrum, Inc.[77] Colorado Fuel and Iron[78] Consolidation Coal Company[79] Consolidated Edison[80][81][82] Continental Oil[72] Cranston Print Works [83] Duluth, Missabe & Northern Railway[84] Eastern Air Lines[85] Intercontinental Rubber Company of New York[86] International Basic Economy Corporation [87] Itek Kyso[72] Marquardt Corporation McDonnell Aircraft Corporation[88][89] Mutual Alliance Trust Company Ohio Oil Company[90][72] National City Bank of New York Piasecki Helicopter Public Service Corporation of New Jersey[91] RKO Pictures[92] Rockefeller Apartments Rockefeller Capital Management Rockefeller Group RockResorts Santa Fe Reporter[93] Schroder, Rockefeller & Company [94] Socal[90] Socony-Vacuum Oil[90] Sohio[95] Standard Oil Company, Inc. Standard Oil of Indiana[90] Standard Oil of New Jersey[90][95] Union Sulphur Company Union Tank Car Company United Gas Improvement Corporation[61] U.S. Steel (1901–1911)[96][97] Venrock Associates Western Maryland Railway[98][61][99] Wheeling & Lake Erie Railway[100][99] Charities, colleges, and nonprofit organizations Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art Museum Asia Society Central Philippine University China Medical Board Council of the Americas Council on Foreign Relations David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies General Education Board Great Smoky Mountains National Park Group of 30 Industrial Relations Counselors, Inc. Historic Hudson Valley Institute for Pacific Relations International House of New York Jackson Hole Preserve, Inc. John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health Kaiser Wilhelm Institute of Anthropology, Human Heredity & Eugenics Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center Michael Rockefeller Wing of the Met Museum of Automobiles Museum of Modern Art National Institute of Social Sciences[101] Nelson A. Rockefeller College of Public Affairs & Policy New York Cancer Hospital Population Council Rockefeller Archeological Museum Rockefeller Archive Center Rockefeller Brothers Fund Rockefeller College Rockefeller Foundation Rockefeller Institute of Government Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors Rockefeller University Social Science Research Council Spelman College Trilateral Commission United Nations Association[citation needed] University of Chicago Winrock International Winthrop Rockefeller Institute Buildings, estates and historic sites Bassett Hall Colonial Williamsburg The Casements The Cloisters Eliza Davison House Elm Tree House[102] Embarcadero Center The Eyrie Summer Home First Baptist Church of Tarrytown Forest Hill Park (Ohio) Giralda Farms Grand Teton National Park Greenacre Park Headquarters of the United Nations The Interchurch Center JY Ranch Kykuit Lincoln Center Marsh-Billings-Rockefeller National Historical Park Mount Hope Farm [103] Ocean County Park One Chase Manhattan Plaza Overhills [104] Riverside Church Rockefeller Center Rockefeller Golf House Rockefeller Guest House Rockefeller State Park Preserve The Rocks [28] Rockwood Hall Strong House (Vassar College) Standard Oil Building Villa Le Balze Virgin Islands National Park William Murray Residences World Trade Center (1973–2001) See also Gilded Age References Citations World's largest private fortune - see Ron Chernow, Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller Sr., London: Warner Books, 1998. (p.370) The Political Economy of Third World Intervention: Mines, Money, and U.S. Policy in the Congo Crisis, David N. Gibbs, University of Chicago Press 1991, page 113 The Rockefeller inheritance, Alvin Moscow, Doubleday 1977, page 418 Chernow, Ron (1998). Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller. New York: Vintage Books. p. 7. ISBN 978-1-4000-7730-4. "[William Rockefeller Sr.] met his future wife, Eliza Davison, at her father's farmhouse.... A prudent, straitlaced Baptist of Scottish-Irish descent, deeply attached to his daughter, John Davison must have sensed the world of trouble that awaited Eliza..." Ron Chernow, Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. (p. 3). 2007 John Thomas Flynn, God's Gold: The Story of Rockefeller and His Times (p. 9). 1933 Henry Oscar Rockefeller, Benjamin Franklin Rockefeller. The Transactions of the Rockefeller Family Association for 1905. Knickerbocker Press, 1915 Martin, Albro (1999), "John D. Rockefeller", Encyclopedia Americana, vol. 23 Chernow 1998, p. 52 "The 9 most amazing facts about John D. Rockefeller". Oil Patch Asia. Archived from the original on January 2, 2014. Alsop, Stewart (2016). Nixon & Rockefeller: A Double Portrait. Open Road Media. ISBN 9781480446007. "Although the Nixon family was Quaker and the Rockefeller family Baptist" Schmiesing, Kevin (2016). Merchants and Ministers: A History of Businesspeople and Clergy in the United States. Lexington Books. p. 115. ISBN 9781498539258. W. Williams, Peter (2016). Religion, Art, and Money: Episcopalians and American Culture from the Civil War to the Great Depression. University of North Carolina Press. p. 176. ISBN 9781469626987. "The names of fashionable families who were already Episcopalian, like the Morgans, or those, like the Fricks, who now became so, goes on interminably: Aldrich, Astor, Biddle, Booth, Brown, Du Pont, Firestone, Ford, Gardner, Mellon, Morgan, Procter, the Vanderbilt, Whitney. Episcopalians branches of the Baptist Rockefellers and Jewish Guggenheims even appeared on these family trees." "Rockefeller Archive Center "Family, JDR"". Rockarch.org. Retrieved February 19, 2013. Women in the family with no control over the family fortune—see Bernice Kert, Abby Aldrich Rockefeller: The Woman in the Family. New York: Random House, 1993. (p.100) Managing the family wealth, 1992 New York Times article Rockefeller Family Tries to Keep A Vast Fortune From Dissipating (see External Links). (Note: The names and nature of these departments may have changed since 1992.) The Edifice Complex: The Architecture of Power, By Deyan Sudjic, Penguin, April 7, 2011, page 245–255 White, Norval; Willensky, Elliot; Leadon, Fran (2010). AIA Guide to New York City (5th ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19538-386-7. "Rockefeller Archive Center "Family, OMR"". Rockarch.org. Retrieved February 19, 2013. "John D. Rockefeller Jr. and the Van Tassel Apartments, Rockefeller Archive Newsletter, Fall 1997" (PDF). Retrieved February 19, 2013. The Morningside Heights housing project - see David Rockefeller, Memoirs, New York: Random House, 2002. (pp.385-87). "UChicago.edu, "News, Nobel"". News.uchicago.edu. Retrieved February 19, 2013. Funded colleges and Ivy League universities - see Robert Shaplen, Toward the Well-Being of Mankind: Fifty Years of the Rockefeller Foundation, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1964. (passim) Siegmund-Schultze, Reinhard (April 1, 2003). Google Books: Rockefeller and the Internationalization of Mathematics. Springer. ISBN 9783764364687. Retrieved February 19, 2013. Gregor, Sharon (2006). Amazon Books: Forest Hill. Arcadia. ISBN 0738540943. Gray, Christopher (May 22, 1994). "Streetscapes/The Rockefeller City House; Pied-a-Terre Off Fifth for a Parsimonious Billionaire". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 25, 2021. "New Home for John D. Rockefeller Jr". The New York Times. September 26, 1901. p. 16. Retrieved May 24, 2021. Elliot Carter (October 16, 2016). "Check Out The Rockefeller Mansion in Rock Creek Park". Architect of the Capital.org. Smith, Timothy R. "David Rockefeller Sr., steward of family fortune and Chase Manhattan Bank, dies at 101". The Washington Post. Retrieved November 6, 2017. Family unity maintained over the decades - see John Ensor Harr and Peter J. Johnson, The Rockefeller Century: Three Generations of America's Greatest Family, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1988. (pp.370-71, passim); David's unifying influence - see Memoirs (pp.346-7) Carnegie.Org "Rockefellers" Archived August 31, 2006, at the Wayback Machine Greatest benefactor of medicine in history - see Ron Chernow, Titan: op.cit. (p.570) "Rockefeller Archive Center "JDR Jr"". Rockarch.org. Retrieved February 19, 2013. New York Times, November 21, 2006 Barbara Gamarekian (March 15, 1991). "Museum Honors All Rockefellers and Gifts". The New York Times. Jene Stonesifer (March 14, 1991). "Rockefellers and Design". The Washington Post. Cornell.Edu "Infobase" Retrieved January 30, 2007. Restorations and constructions in France, Egypt, Greece and Jerusalem - see Memoirs, (pp.44-48). Depalma, Anthony (November 15, 2005). "They Saved Land Like Rockefellers". The New York Times. Retrieved March 23, 2008. "Rockefeller descendants speak out against company to which they owe their prosperity". CBS News. December 2, 2016. Retrieved February 7, 2018. Schwartz, John (September 21, 2014). "Rockefellers, Heirs to an Oil Fortune, Will Divest Charity of Fossil Fuels". The New York Times. Retrieved September 23, 2014. Wade, Terry; Driver, Anna (March 24, 2016). "Rockefeller Family Fund hits Exxon, divests from fossil fuels". Reuters. Retrieved March 18, 2018. Egan, Matt (December 18, 2020). "Exclusive: A $5 billion foundation literally founded on oil money is saying goodbye to fossil fuels". CNN.com. Retrieved December 20, 2020. "Heirs to Rockefeller fortune launch effort to slow oil and gas growthg". The Hill. May 6, 2021. Retrieved May 6, 2021. Haskell, Mary B. (Winter 1996). "Brother, Can You Share a Dime?: The Rockefeller Family and Libraries". Libraries & Culture. 31 (1): 130–143. JSTOR 25548427. "DIMES: Online Collections and Catalog of Rockefeller Archive Center". dimes.rockarch.org. Retrieved January 4, 2019. Chernow, R. (1998). Titan: The life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. "Allison H. Whipple, Broker, Marries Peter C. Rockefeller". The New York Times. December 20, 1987. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved June 2, 2022. Deutsch, Claudia H. (January 15, 2006). "AT LUNCH WITH: WENDY GORDON; Living Green, but Allowing for Shades of Gray". The New York Times. Sipher, Devan (September 18, 2010). "Ariana Rockefeller and Matthew Bucklin". The New York Times. Retrieved July 22, 2020. "World's Richest Heirs | Mom.com". mom.com. Retrieved July 22, 2020. Conley, Kevin (May 11, 2016). "How the Name Rockefeller Came to Mean More Than Just Wealth". Town & Country. Retrieved July 22, 2020. "Neva Rockefeller Engaged to Wed Walter J. Kaiser; Niece of Governor Will Be Bride of Professor at Harvard, Author". The New York Times. October 18, 1966. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved July 22, 2020. Vitello, Paul (November 29, 2016). "Bruce Mazlish, Who Fused Psychoanalysis and History in His Books, Dies at 93". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved July 22, 2020. Schwartz, John (July 16, 2020). "David Kaiser, Rockefeller Heir Who Fought Exxon Mobil, Dies at 50". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved July 22, 2020. Berger, Joseph, "A Rockefeller Known Not for Wealth but for His Efforts to Help", New York Times, June 23, 2014. Retrieved June 24, 2014. Santora, Marc, "Richard Rockefeller Killed in New York Plane Crash", New York Times, June 13, 2014. Retrieved June 13, 2014. Fallows, James, "Richard Rockefeller, MD What would you do, if you could do anything? An inspiring answer to that question.", June 14, 2014. Retrieved June 14, 2014. "Rockefeller Archive Center "Family, JDR"". Rockarch.org. Retrieved February 19, 2013. [verification needed] Association with David Rockefeller – see his Memoirs, New York: Random House, 2002 (pp. 208, 479, 481) Flynn, John T. (1932). God's Gold: The Story of Rockefeller and His Times. Quinn & Boden Company. p. 347. ISBN 978-1-61016-411-5. Collier, Peter; Horowitz, David (1976). The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty. New York City, NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. pp. 11–12. ISBN 0-03-008371-0. "[John D. Rockefeller] had few friends in Cleveland's Central High School...although he did form a lasting bond with classmate Mark Hanna, later to be a U.S. senator, presidential kingmaker, and political fixer for the Standard Oil trust." Chernow 1999, p. 332. Chernow 1999, p. 388. Chernow 1999, p. 508. Josephson, Matthew (October 27, 2015) [1934]. The Robber Barons: The Classic Account of the Influential Capitalists Who Transformed America's Future. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. pp. 432–433. ISBN 978-0-15-676790-3. "...[T]he various invasions of Harriman would have been impossible without tremendous draughts upon the reservoir of money at 26 Broadway. Else he could not have seized and rebuilt so quickly the Union Pacific; nor added to this Colis Huntington's huge Southern Pacific…To carry these enterprises, Harriman's biographer tells us, the men of the Standard Oil family ' gave Harriman financial support when he needed tens of millions of dollars, in credit or cash'." Daly Bednarek, Janet Rose; Launius, Roger D. (2003). Reconsidering a Century of Flight. UNC Press Books. p. 120. ISBN 978-0-8078-5488-4. Retrieved August 1, 2014. Chernow 1999, pp. 658–659. Domhoff, G.William (1996). State Autonomy or Class Dominance?: Case Studies on Policy Making In America. Hawthorne, NY: Aldine de Gruyter. pp. 60–61. ISBN 0-202-30512-0. Bryant Jr., Keith L.; Frailey, Fred W. (2020). History of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway. University of Nebraska Press. p. 185. ISBN 9781496214102. White, Leslie A. (2016). Modern Capitalist Culture. New York City, NY: Routledge. p. 379. ISBN 978-1-59874-157-5. Auzanneau, Matthieu (2018) [2015]. Oil, Power and War: A Dark History. Chelsea Green Publishing. p. 80. ISBN 978-1-60358-743-3. "The dismantling of Standard Oil appears to have been only a formality. The subsidiaries sold their products under the same brand and divided the sales territories; during the next two or three decades, there was virtually no perceptible competition between them...¶Above all, the main shareholders remained the same as before, beginning with John D. Rockefeller, who retained about one-quarter of the shares of each of the thirty-three companies created after the Supreme Court ruling." Chernow 1999, p. 373. Caro, Robert (1975) [1974]. The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York. Random House, Inc. p. 1067. ISBN 0-394-72024-5. "There is scarcely a bank in New York State with which the Rockefellers do not have some link, direct or hidden. As for the state's largest bank, the Chase Manhattan Bank that is probably the most powerful financial institution anywhere on earth, Chase is, as [Theodore H.] White notes, 'the last great bank controlled by an individual family—the Rockefellers." "Who Built the Roads? A Modern Parable". The Railroad Telegrapher: Volume 39, Part 2. Order of Railroad Telegraphers. 1922. pp. 937–938. Retrieved March 4, 2023. "William Rockefeller, brother of John D., died a few weeks ago in his palatial home on the Hudson." “Nomination of Nelson A. Rockefeller to be Vice President of the United States” Hearings before the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Ninety-Third Congress, Second Session, November 21, 1974, (Serial No. 45), p.1069. "As for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, in 1972 more than half of the 15 persons listed as trustees were members of the [Rockefeller] Family's investment counselors...[T]he Fund portfolio's largest holdings are in Exxon, Standard Oil of California, Chase Manhattan Bank, and Rockefeller Center, all considered controlled by, or heavily influenced by, the Rockefeller Family. The next largest holding is in the Chrysler Corporation where in the period 1966-1970, they held 80,000 shares of Chrysler common stock plus $1.6 million in notes of the Chrysler Financial and Realty Corporation. Remember that J.Richardson Dilworth has been a director of Chrysler since 1962, when the Rockefellers bought a major stock position in that company." McCandlish, Laura (May 22, 2005). "Indoor composting toilets waste not, want not". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved September 29, 2021. Chernow 1999, p. 571. "Rockefellers in the Consolidation Coal Co". The Big Sandy News. Louisa, KY. February 2, 1917. Retrieved May 26, 2021. Groner, Alex (1972). The American Heritage History of American Business & Industry. American Heritage Publishing Company. p. 213. ISBN 0070011567. U.S. Congress House Committee on the Judiciary (1974). Nomination of Nelson A. Rockefeller to be Vice President of the United States: Hearings Before the Committee on the Judiciary (Report). U.S. Government Printing Office. p. 665. Retrieved March 3, 2024. "Consolidated Edison—[Nelson] Rockefeller's conflict of interest statement on file with the N.Y. Secretary of State, shows the [Rockefeller] family ownership of this big utility. With ownership goes control, of course." Collier, Peter; Horowitz, David (1976). The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. p. 389. ISBN 0-03-008371-0. "Nelson [Rockefeller] and Laurance's Great-Uncle William Rockefeller had been, in fact, one of the original owners of Con Ed, and based on figures Junior had given TNEC investigators in 1937, the [Rockefeller] family's current holdings would amount to better than $10 million." "Godfrey S. Rockefeller, Dies; Executive in Textiles Was 83". The New York Times. February 25, 1983. Retrieved November 30, 2016. Drury 2007, p. 398. Kaufman, Michael T. (July 11, 2004). "Laurance Rockefeller, Venture Capitalist and Philanthropist, Dies at 94". The New York Times. New York City. Retrieved May 26, 2021. "In the late 1930's, [Laurance Rockefeller] provided much of the capital to help Capt. Eddie Rickenbacker, the World War I fighter pilot, start Eastern Airlines and was for many years the airline's largest stockholder." Hart, John Mason. Empire and Revolution: The Americans in Mexico since the Civil War. Berkeley: University of California Press 2002, pp. 183–84. Schroy, John Oswin. "The International Basic Economy Corporation, IBEC, CRESCINCO, Nelson Rockefeller, and the Brazilian Capital Market". www.capital-flow-analysis.com. Chernow 1999, p. 659. Kaufman, Michael T. (July 11, 2004). "Laurance Rockefeller, Venture Capitalist and Philanthropist, Dies at 94". The New York Times. Retrieved March 3, 2023. White, Leslie A. (2016). Modern Capitalist Culture. New York City, NY: Routledge. p. 379. ISBN 978-1-59874-157-5. "The Rockefeller family owned enough stock in five of the 200 largest non-financial corporations to insure virtual control over them. They were: (1) Standard Oil Company (New Jersey) of whose stock 13.5 percent was owned by members of the Rockefeller family and by family foundations; this was by far the largest block of stock extant. (2) Socony Vacuum Oil Company, Inc, 16.3 percent of whose common stock was owned by members of the Rockefeller family; (3) Standard Oil (Indiana), 11.4 percent of common stock owned by family and foundations; (4) Standard Oil Company of California, 11.9 percent of common stock held by family, 0.5 percent by foundations; (5) Ohio Oil Company, family held 9.5 percent, foundations held 9.1 percent of common stock; family and foundations each owned about 10 percent of the preferred stock" Shannon, David A. (1977). Twentieth Century America, Volume I: The Progressive Era. Chicago, IL: Rand McNally College Publishing Company. pp. 73–74. Lasky, Betty (1984). RKO, The Biggest Little Major of Them All. Prentice Hall, Inc. p. 55. ISBN 0-13-781451-8. "Wrestling toward the Truth". Santa Fe Reporter. June 25, 2014. Retrieved December 22, 2022. "ROCKEFELLER KIN IN BANKING FIELD; Avery, Grandson of William Rockefeller, a Founder of New Investment Concern. A PRINCIPAL STOCKHOLDER Schroder, Rockefeller & Co., Inc., Will Do Underwriting and Securities Business". The New York Times. July 9, 1936. Retrieved February 16, 2023. Collier, Peter; Horowitz, David (1976). The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. p. 389. ISBN 0-03-008371-0. "The [Standard Oil] trust was dead, but Rockefeller continued to hold controlling interest[s] in the constituent companies. As late as 1931, he had some 23 percent of Standard Oil of New Jersey, 18 percent of Standard of Ohio, 15 percent of Standard Oil of California, and 10 percent Standard of Indiana" Chernow 1999, pp. 392–393. Collier, Peter; Horowitz, David (1976). The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. p. 389. ISBN 0-03-008371-0. "[Rockefeller's] agreement with Morgan on the Mesabi property had made him the largest stockholder in U.S. Steel and given him a seat on the board of directors." United States Congress Joint Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce (1918). Interstate and Foreign Transportation: Hearings Before the Joint Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, Congress of the United States, Pursuant to Public J. Res. 25, a Joint Resolution Creating a Joint Subcommittee from the Membership of the Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce and the House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce to Investigate the Conditions Relating to Interstate and Foreign Commerce, and the Necessity of Further Legislation Relating Thereto, and Defing the Powers and Duties of Such Subcommittee, Volume 4, Parts 13-14 (Report). U.S. Government Printing Office. p. 2109. Retrieved February 28, 2024. Grant, H. Roger (2019) [2004]. "Follow the Flag": A History of the Wabash Railroad Company. Northern Illinois University Press. p. 265. ISBN 978-1-5017-4777-9. Price & Spillane 1917, p. 455. "Gold Medal Honorees". "Mrs. E. Parmalee Prentice Dies; Daughter of J.D. Rockefeller Sr" (PDF). The New York Times. June 22, 1962. Retrieved May 3, 2019. "J. R. Prentice Dies; Cattle Breeder, 69". The New York Times. June 16, 1972. Retrieved May 3, 2019. Irwin, Jeffrey D.; O'Shea, Kaitlin (2008). Overhills. Arcadia Publishing. pp. 8–9. ISBN 978-0-7385-5433-4. Other sources Chernow, Ron (1999). Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller Sr. New York City, United States: Vintage Books; Random House, Inc. ISBN 0-679-75703-1. Depalma, Anthony, They Saved Land Like Rockefellers, The New York Times Archive, November 15, 2005. Drury, George H. (2007). "Duluth, Missabe & Iron Range Railway". In Middleton, William D.; Smerk, George M.; Diehl, Roberta L. (eds.). Encyclopedia of North American Railroads. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. pp. 398–399. ISBN 978-0-253-34916-3. O'Connell, Dennis, Top 10 Richest Men Of All Time, AskMen.com, undated. Price, Theodore H.; Spillane, Richard, eds. (1917). "The Economic Panorama of the Week". Commerce and Finance, Volume 6. pp. 452–457. Retrieved February 29, 2024. Rose, Kenneth W., Select Rockefeller Philanthropies, Booklet (pdf, 23 pages) of the Rockefeller Archive Center, 2004. Strom, Stephanie, Manhattan: A Rockefeller Plans a Huge Bequest, The New York Times Archive, November 21, 2006. Origin of Rockenfeld, in German Descendants of Goddard Rockenfeller Listing of University of Chicago Nobel Laureates, News Office, University of Chicago website, undated. Carnegie Corporation of New York, Celebrating 100 years of Andrew Carnegie's Philanthropy - awarding the inaugural Andrew Carnegie Medal of Philanthropy to David and Laurance Rockefeller, 2001. The Rockefeller Archive Center, John D. Rockefeller, Junior, 1874–1960, Overview of his life and philanthropy, 1997. Further reading Abels, Jules. The Rockefeller Billions: The Story of the World's Most Stupendous Fortune. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1965. Aldrich, Nelson W. Jr. Old Money: The Mythology of America's Upper Class. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988. Allen, Gary. The Rockefeller File. Seal Beach, California: 1976 Press, 1976. Boorstin, Daniel J. The Americans: The Democratic Experience. New York: Vintage Books, 1974. Brown, E. Richard. Rockefeller Medicine Men: Medicine and Capitalism in America. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979. Caro, Robert (1974). The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York. New York: Knopf. ISBN 978-0-394-48076-3. OCLC 834874. Chernow, Ron. Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. London: Warner Books, 1998. Collier, Peter, and David Horowitz. The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1976. Elmer, Isabel Lincoln. Cinderella Rockefeller: A Life of Wealth Beyond All-Knowing. New York: Freundlich Books, 1987. Ernst, Joseph W., editor. "Dear Father"/"Dear Son:" Correspondence of John D. Rockefeller and John D. Rockefeller Jr. New York: Fordham University Press, with the Rockefeller Archive Cen

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ In this thought-provoking video, former CIA official John Stockwell delves into the covert actions undertaken by the United States in Nicaragua, Libya, and Angola. Drawing from his extensive experience, Stockwell provides insights into his travels in Nicaragua, involvement in early covert operations against Gaddafi, and leadership in the CIA's Angolan task force. The discussion sheds light on a lesser-known shift in American foreign policy following Reagan's presidency—a transition towards engaging in "low-intensity" conflicts of prolonged duration across the globe, instead of larger-scale wars. Stockwell outlines at least 15 of these covert conflicts underway, alongside revealing insights into approximately 35 other CIA operations happening worldwide. Recorded in 1986, this compelling conversation offers a rare glimpse into the intricate world of clandestine operations, unveiling the strategies and geopolitical implications of these undisclosed conflicts shaping global affairs.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Bilderberg Group: Founded in 1954, the Bilderberg Group is an annual conference attended by influential figures from North America and Europe, including politicians, bankers, business leaders, and academics. Discussions at Bilderberg meetings are off the record, leading to speculation about their influence on global affairs. Trilateral Commission: Established in 1973 by David Rockefeller, the Trilateral Commission aims to foster cooperation between North America, Europe, and East Asia. Its members are influential figures from politics, business, and academia. Critics argue that it promotes a globalist agenda and concentrates power among elites. Council on Foreign Relations (CFR): Founded in 1921, the CFR is a U.S.-based think tank specializing in foreign policy and international affairs. Its members include politicians, diplomats, journalists, and scholars. The CFR publishes Foreign Affairs, a leading journal on international relations, and its influence extends to shaping U.S. foreign policy. Economic Concentration: The concentration of economic power refers to the dominance of a few corporations or individuals in key industries. This concentration can lead to monopolistic practices, stifling competition, and influencing government policies in favor of the elite. Interlocking Directorates: Interlocking directorates occur when individuals serve on the boards of multiple companies, creating connections and shared interests between corporations. This practice can reinforce the influence of a small group of individuals over multiple sectors of the economy. Rockefeller Empire: The Rockefeller family, particularly through figures like John D. Rockefeller, amassed considerable wealth and influence in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The Rockefeller Foundation and other philanthropic endeavors further extended their reach into various sectors, including education, healthcare, and research. Wealth and Income Distribution: Studies consistently show that wealth and income in the U.S. are highly concentrated among the top earners and wealthiest individuals. The top 1% of the population often controls a disproportionate share of the nation's wealth, leading to concerns about economic inequality and its impact on society. The Bilderberg Meeting (also known as the "Bilderberg Group", "Bilderberg Conference" or "Bilderberg Club") is an annual off-the-record forum established in 1954 to foster dialogue between Europe and North America. The group's agenda, originally to prevent another world war, is now defined as bolstering a consensus around free market Western capitalism and its interests around the globe. Participants include political leaders, experts, captains of industry, finance, academia, numbering between 120 and 150. Attendees are entitled to use information gained at meetings, but not attribute it to a named speaker (known as the Chatham House Rule). The group states that the purpose of this is to encourage candid debate while at the same time maintaining privacy, but critics from a wide range of viewpoints have called it into question, and it has provoked conspiracy theories from both the left and right. Meetings were chaired by Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands until 1975. The current Chairman is French businessman Henri de Castries. Since 1954, the meeting has taken place every year except in 1976, when it was cancelled due to the Lockheed bribery scandals involving Prince Bernhard,[1] and in 2020 and 2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.[2] Lisbon hosted the 69th meeting in 2023.[3] Origin Main article: 1954 Bilderberg Conference The first conference was held at the Bilderberg Hotel (Hotel de Bilderberg) in Oosterbeek, Netherlands, from 29 to 31 May 1954.[4][5] The hotel gave its name both to the group and to the "Bilderbergers" who participate in its activities. The hotel is situated in a quiet location, approximately 7 km west of the city of Arnhem.[6] It is owned and operated by the Bilderberg hotel chain, which runs 12 hotels and an event location in the Netherlands and one hotel in Germany.[7] At the time of the 1954 conference, it was a medium-sized family-run hotel.[6] The conference was initiated by several people, including Polish politician-in-exile Józef Retinger who, concerned about the growth of anti-Americanism in Western Europe, proposed an international conference at which leaders from European countries and the United States would be brought together with the aim of promoting Atlanticism—better understanding between the cultures of the United States and Western Europe to foster cooperation on political, economic, and defense issues.[8][9] Retinger approached Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands[10] who agreed to promote the idea, together with former Belgian prime minister Paul van Zeeland, and the then head of Unilever, Paul Rijkens. Bernhard in turn contacted Walter Bedell Smith, the then head of the CIA, who asked Eisenhower adviser Charles Douglas Jackson to deal with the suggestion.[11] The guest list was to be drawn up by inviting two attendees from each nation, one of each to represent "conservative" and "liberal" points of view.[9] Fifty delegates from 11 countries in Western Europe attended the first conference, along with 11 Americans.[12] The success of the meeting led the organizers to arrange an annual conference. A permanent steering committee was established with Retinger appointed as permanent secretary. As well as organizing the conference, the steering committee also maintained a register of attendee names and contact details with the aim of creating an informal network of individuals who could call upon one another in a private capacity.[13] Conferences were held in France, Germany, and Denmark over the following three years. In 1957, the first U.S. conference was held on St. Simons Island, Georgia, with $30,000 from the Ford Foundation. The foundation also supplied funding for the 1959 and 1963 conferences.[11] Participants Main article: List of Bilderberg participants The participants are between 120 and 150 people, including political leaders, experts from industry, finance, academia and the media.[8] About two thirds of the participants come from Europe and the rest from North America; one third from politics and government and the rest from other fields.[8][5] Historically, attendee lists have been weighted toward bankers, politicians, directors of large businesses[14] and board members from large publicly traded corporations, including Wallenberg-owned conglomerate holding company Investor AB and other Wallenberg-owned multinationals such as Ericsson and ABB, IBM, Xerox, Royal Dutch Shell, Nokia and Daimler.[15] Heads of state, including former King Juan Carlos I of Spain and former Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands, have attended meetings.[15][16] A source connected to the group told The Daily Telegraph in 2013 that other individuals, whose names are not publicly issued, sometimes turn up "just for the day" at the group's meetings.[17] The banker and industrialist Marcus Wallenberg Jr. was a member of the steering committee and attended the meeting twenty-two times from the 1950s to 1981, a year prior to his death. His grandson Marcus Wallenberg has attended it eight times and his other grandson, Jacob Wallenberg, seventeen times.[18] Meetings Further information: List of Bilderberg meetings Activities and goals The group's original goal of promoting Atlanticism, of strengthening U.S.-European relations and preventing another world war has grown; according to Andrew Kakabadse, the Bilderberg Group's theme is to "bolster a consensus around free-market Western capitalism and its interests around the globe".[5] In 2001, Denis Healey, a Bilderberg group founder and a steering committee member for 30 years, said, "To say we were striving for a one-world government is exaggerated, but not wholly unfair. Those of us in Bilderberg felt we couldn't go on forever fighting one another for nothing and killing people and rendering millions homeless. So we felt that a single community throughout the world would be a good thing."[19] According to the web page of the group, the meetings are conducted under the Chatham House Rule, allowing the participants to use any information they gained during the meeting, but not to disclose the names of the speakers or any other participants. According to former chairman Étienne Davignon in 2011, a major attraction of Bilderberg group meetings is that they provide an opportunity for participants to speak and debate candidly and to find out what major figures really think, without the risk of off-the-cuff comments becoming fodder for controversy in the media.[20] A 2008 press release from the "American Friends of Bilderberg" stated that "Bilderberg's only activity is its annual Conference and that at the meetings, no resolutions were proposed, no votes taken, and no policy statements issued."[21] However, in November 2009, the group hosted a dinner meeting at the Château of Val-Duchesse in Brussels outside its annual conference to promote the candidacy of Herman Van Rompuy for President of the European Council.[22] Organizational structure Meetings are organized by a steering committee with two members from each of approximately 18 nations.[23] Official posts include a chairman and an Honorary Secretary General.[15] The group's rules do not contain a membership category but former participants receive the annual conference reports.[24] The only category that exists is "member of the steering committee".[25] Besides the committee, there is a separate advisory group with overlapping membership.[26] Dutch economist Ernst van der Beugel became permanent secretary in 1960, upon Retinger's death. Prince Bernhard continued to serve as the meeting's chairman until 1976, the year of his involvement in the Lockheed affair. The position of Honorary American Secretary General has been held successively by Joseph E. Johnson of the Carnegie Endowment; William Bundy of Princeton University; Theodore L. Eliot Jr., former U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan; and Casimir A. Yost of Georgetown University's Institute for the Study of Diplomacy.[27] According to James A. Bill, the "steering committee usually met twice a year to plan programs and to discuss the participant list".[28] In 2002, in Them: Adventures with Extremists, author Jon Ronson wrote that the group has a small central office in Holland [sic] which each year decides what country will host the forthcoming meeting. The host country then has to book an entire hotel for four days, plus arrange catering, transport and security. To fund this, the host solicits donations from sympathetic corporations such as Barclays, Fiat Automobiles, GlaxoSmithKline, Heinz, Nokia and Xerox.[29] Chairmen of the Steering Committee Chairmen of the Steering Committee of the Bilderberg Meetings Tenure as Chairman Country Office(s) Prince Bernhard of Lippe-Biesterfeld Prince Bernhard of Lippe-Biesterfeld (1911–2004) 29 May 1954 – 29 September 1976 (22 years, 123 days) [30] Netherlands Prince consort of the Netherlands (1948–1980) Inspector general of the Armed forces of the Netherlands (1970–1976) Inspector general of the Royal Netherlands Air Force (1953–1970) Inspector general of the Royal Netherlands Navy (1946–1970) Inspector general of the Royal Netherlands Army (1945–1970) Commander-in-chief of the Armed forces of the Netherlands (1944–1945) Alec Douglas-Home, Baron Home of the Hirsel Alec Douglas-Home, Baron Home of the Hirsel (1903–1995) 22 April 1977 – 20 April 1980 (2 years, 364 days) [30] United Kingdom Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (1963–1964) Leader of the Conservative Party (1963–1965) Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (1960–1963, 1970–1974) Lord President of the Council (1957, 1959–1960) Leader of the House of Lords (1957–1960) Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations (1955–1960) Member of the House of Lords (1951–1963, 1974–1995) Member of Parliament (1931–1945, 1950–1951, 1963–1974) Walter Scheel Walter Scheel (1919–2016) 15 May 1981 – 12 May 1985 (3 years, 362 days) [31][32] Germany President of Germany (1974–1979) (Acting) Chancellor of Germany (1974) Vice-Chancellor (1969–1974) Minister of Foreign Affairs (1969–1974) Leader of the Free Democratic Party (1968–1974) Minister of Economic Cooperation (1961–1969) Member of the European Parliament (1956–1961) Member of the Bundestag (1953–1974) Eric Roll, Baron Roll of Ipsden (1907–2005) 25 April 1986 – 14 May 1989 (3 years, 19 days) [33] United Kingdom Member of the House of Lords (1977–2005) Peter Carington, 6th Baron Carrington Peter Carington, 6th Baron Carrington (1919–2018) 11 May 1990 – 17 May 1998 (8 years, 6 days) [12][34] United Kingdom Secretary General of NATO (1984–1988) Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (1979–1982) Secretary of State for Energy (1974) Chairman of the Conservative Party (1972–1974) Secretary of State for Defence (1970–1974) Leader of the House of Lords (1963–1964) Minister without portfolio (1963–1964) First Lord of the Admiralty (1959–1963) High Commissioner to Australia (1956–1959) Member of the House of Lords (1941–2018) Étienne Davignon, Viscount Davignon Étienne Davignon, Viscount Davignon (born 1932) 3 June 1999 – 12 June 2011 (12 years, 9 days) [23][35][36] Belgium European Commissioner for Industrial Affairs and Energy (1981–1985) European Commissioner for Internal Market, Customs Union and Industrial Affairs (1977–1981) Henri de Castries, 5th Count of Castries Henri de Castries, 5th Count of Castries (born 1954) 31 May 2012 – 2019 (7 years) [37] France Chairman and CEO of AXA (2000–2016) Criticism There have been long standing concerns about lobbying,[38][39] since senior policymakers meet with corporate lobbyists, and in the case of the 2015 meeting even with senior figures at Transparency International.[40] Partly because of its working methods to ensure strict privacy and secrecy,[41] the Bilderberg Group has been criticised for its lack of transparency and accountability.[42] Ian Richardson sees Bilderberg as the transnational power elite, "an integral, and to some extent critical, part of the existing system of global governance", that is "not acting in the interests of the whole". Many of these critics have emphasized that they do not accept or do not believe that there is enough evidence to support the diversity of conspiracy theories that have arisen in regard to the group and that they disapprove of what they regard as their unpleasant associations and connotations.[43] For example, an article by the English commentator Charlie Skelton in The Guardian in June 2017 criticized the world view expressed in an agenda published by the Bilderberg group without engaging in speculation about conspiratorial activities.[44] Conspiracy theories The secrecy of the proceedings has led not only to varied criticism of the group and its activities from across the political spectrum but also to a number of conspiracy theories,[45][20][46] which have grown especially popular within certain political movements, although the different factions of theorists often disagree about the exact nature of the group's intentions and use different sources and levels of evidentiary rigor to back up their conjectures. Some on the left, or of less specific political affiliations, accuse the Bilderberg group either of covertly imposing or generally propping up capitalist domination and corporate power,[47] while some on the right have accused the group of imposing or helping to prepare the way for a world government and a global planned economy. The right-wing theorists tend to treat the group as the central directorate or planning arm of the conspiracy or at least attribute considerable importance to its role, whereas most of the left-wing and more loosely-affiliated or apolitical theorists treat it as just one of a set of institutions that help to advance international corporate interests and ideology.[48] In 2005, Davignon discussed accusations of the group striving for a one-world government with the BBC: "It is unavoidable and it doesn't matter. There will always be people who believe in conspiracies but things happen in a much more incoherent fashion. ... When people say this is a secret government of the world I say that if we were a secret government of the world we should be bloody ashamed of ourselves."[46] In a 1994 report, Right Woos Left, published by the Political Research Associates, investigative journalist Chip Berlet argued that right-wing populist conspiracy theories about the Bilderberg group date back to as early as 1964 and can be found in Phyllis Schlafly's self-published book A Choice, Not an Echo,[49] which promoted a conspiracy theory in which the Republican Party was secretly controlled by elitist intellectuals dominated by members of the Bilderberg group, whose internationalist policies would pave the way for world communism.[50] In August 2010, former Cuban president Fidel Castro wrote an article for the Cuban Communist Party newspaper Granma in which he cited Daniel Estulin's 2006 book The Secrets of the Bilderberg Club,[51] which, as quoted by Castro, describes "sinister cliques and the Bilderberg lobbyists" manipulating the public "to install a world government that knows no borders and is not accountable to anyone but its own self."[47] Proponents of Bilderberg conspiracy theories in the United States include such groups and individuals such as the John Birch Society,[48][52] political activist Phyllis Schlafly,[52] writer Jim Tucker,[53] political activist Lyndon LaRouche,[54] conspiracy theorist Alex Jones,[5][55][56] and politician Jesse Ventura, who made the Bilderberg group a topic of a 2009 episode of his TruTV series Conspiracy Theory with Jesse Ventura.[57] Although conspiracy theories about the Bilderberg Group have gained the most widespread credence by far in the United States, some high-profile non-American proponents have raised them as well, including Lithuanian writer Daniel Estulin[58] and British politician Nigel Farage.[59] See also Bohemian Club Chatham House (The Royal Institute of International Affairs) Council on Foreign Relations Le Cercle Transnational capitalist class Trilateral Commission Valdai Discussion Club World Economic Forum References "U.S. to Urge Pact in U.N. to Combat Business Bribes". The New York Times. 6 March 1976. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 8 June 2022. Skelton, Charlie (4 June 2022). "Bilderberg reconvenes in person after two-year pandemic gap". the Guardian. Retrieved 26 April 2023. "Press release 2023". Atlas Obscura, "Hotel de Bilderberg" "Bilderberg mystery: Why do people believe in cabals?". BBC News. 7 June 2011. Archived from the original on 10 June 2011. Retrieved 14 June 2011. Gijswijt, Thomas, W., Informal Alliance: The Bilderberg Group and Transatlantic Relations during the Cold War, 1952–1968 (2018), Routledge. "The Hotel de Bilderberg was a medium-sized family-run hotel, chosen mainly for its quiet and remote location in the forests of the eastern Netherlands. It was not a particularly fancy hotel...but security was relatively easy to maintain since there was only one access road." Bilderberg hotels "About Bilderberg Meetings". Bilderberg Meetings the Official Website. Archived from the original on 17 April 2020. Retrieved 12 July 2018. Hatch, Alden (1962). "The Hôtel de Bilderberg". HRH Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands: An authorized biography. London: Harrap. OCLC 2359663. "The idea was to get two people from each country who would give the conservative and liberal slant" "Japan–US Relations – Past, Present and Future". Daily Yomiuri. 8 December 1991. "Rockefeller: The idea (of creating the Trilateral Commission) was incorporated in a speech that I made in the spring of 1972 for the benefit of some industrial forums that the Chase held in different cities around Europe, … Then Zbig (Zbig Brzezinski) and I both attended a meeting of the Bilderberg Group … and was shot down in flames. There was very little enthusiasm for the idea. I think they felt that they had a very congenial group, and they didn't want to have it interfered with by another element that would—I don't know what they thought, but in any case, they were not in favor." Aubourg, Valerie (June 2003). "Organizing Atlanticism: the Bilderberg Group and the Atlantic Institute 1952–63". Intelligence & National Security. 18 (2): 92–105. doi:10.1080/02684520412331306760. S2CID 153892953. Rockefeller, David (2002). Memoirs. New York: Random House. p. 412. ISBN 978-0679405887. Hatch, Alden (1962). "The Hôtel de Bilderberg". HRH Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands: An authorized biography. London: Harrap. OCLC 2359663. "anybody who has ever been to a Bilderberg Conference should be able to feel that he can, in a private capacity, call on any former member he has met" Moorehead, Caroline (18 April 1977). "An exclusive club, perhaps without power, but certainly with influence: The Bilderberg group". The Times. London. "Bilderberg Meeting of 1997 Assembles" (Press release). PR Newswire. 13 June 1997. Archived from the original on 30 April 2011. Oliver, Mark (4 June 2004). "The Bilderberg group". The Guardian. London. "Bilderberg Group? 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Introduction p. 3 in Bilderberg meetings, Schnews, 1999 "Parliamentary questions: Answer given by Mr Prodi on behalf of the Commission". European Parliament. 15 May 2003. Entry for Conrad Black, The International Who's Who. Europa Publications. 2000. ISBN 9781857430509. "Bilderberg: List of Invitees" (PDF). United States Department of Defense. 31 January 1996. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 May 2006. Retrieved 6 June 2009. Bill, James A. (August 1998). George Ball: Behind the Scenes in U.S. Foreign Policy. Yale University Press. p. 53. ISBN 978-0300076462. Ronson, Jon (2015) [First published 2002]. Them: Adventures with Extremists. London: Picador Classic. pp. 271–72. ISBN 978-1447275466. "Twenty-fifth Bilderberg meeting held in St joseph MO". Facts on File World News Digest. 14 May 1977. "Bilderberg Meetings Conference Report 1981". "Bilderberg Meetings Conference Report 1985". Who's Who. 1999. "Bilderberg Meetings Conference Report 1990". "Booklet of the 1999 annual conference". Schnews. Archived from the original on 2 March 2000. "Final List of Participants of the 2011 Bilderberg annual conference". Official website. Archived from the original on 28 August 2011. "Final List of Participants of the 2012 Bilderberg annual conference". Bilderberg Meetings. Archived from the original on 26 July 2013. "Bilderberg Conference Watford 'Too Secret'". Sky News. 6 June 2013. Retrieved 11 June 2013. Jones, Nelson (10 June 2013). "My brush with Bilderberg". New Statesman. Archived from the original on 15 June 2013. Retrieved 11 June 2013. Charlie Skelton (14 June 2015). "Bilderberg 2015: TTIP and a travesty of transparency". The Guardian. Retrieved 15 November 2022. "Confirmed: Secretive Bilderberg Meeting to be held in Switzerland from May 30th". www.thelocal.ch. 28 May 2019. Retrieved 29 May 2019. Meacher, Michael; Skelton, Charlie (11 June 2013). "Bilderberg 2013: The sun sets on Watford". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 11 June 2013. Richardson, Ian (31 May 2012). "Chantilly Laced: Holding Bilderberg and the Transnational Policy Elite to Account". Huffington Post. Retrieved 21 September 2015. Skelton, Charlie (2 June 2017). "Bilderberg: the world's most secretive conference is as out of touch as ever". The Guardian. Retrieved 18 April 2018. Gowen, Annie (2 June 2012). "Is Bilderberg a conference on world affairs or a powerful global cabal? Depends on who you ask". The Washington Post. Bill Hayton (29 September 2005). "Inside the secretive Bilderberg Group". BBC News. Archived from the original on 8 February 2011. Retrieved 19 March 2011. Weissert, Will (10 August 2010). "Fidel Castro fascinated by Bilderberg Club conspiracy theory". The Christian Science Monitor. Boston. Retrieved 16 October 2010. Wallechinsky, David; Wallace, Irving (1975). "The Bilderberg Group Part 2". The People's Almanac. Doubleday. cited paragraphs. ISBN 978-0385040600. Phyllis Schlafly, A Choice Not an Echo: The Inside Story of How American Presidents Are Chosen (Pere Marquette Press, 1964) ISBN 0686114868 Chip Berlet (1994). "The New Right & the Secular Humanism Conspiracy Theory". Daniel Estulin, Los secretos del club Bilderberg (Ediciones del Bronce, 2006). Berlet, Chip (2000). "John Birch Society". Retrieved 6 October 2010. Iain Hollingshead (4 June 2010). "The Bilderberg Group: fact and fantasy". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 12 January 2022. Retrieved 20 June 2011. King, Dennis (1979). "NCLC'S Private Intelligence Agency". Our Town. New York. Retrieved 14 May 2009. Dixon, Hayley (9 June 2013). "'Idiot' Bilderberg conspiracy theorist disrupts BBC politics show". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 16 June 2013. Taylor, Adam (9 June 2013). "Conspiracy Theorist Alex Jones Goes Berserk During BBC Show". Business Insider. Retrieved 9 June 2013. "List of Season 1 episodes for Conspiracy Theory with Jesse Ventura". truTV. 30 December 2009. Archived from the original on 8 October 2010. Retrieved 11 January 2011. Bruce Ramsey (30 July 2009). "That Bilderberg Book". The Seattle Times. Retrieved 23 January 2011. Walker, Peter (6 May 2019). "Nigel Farage under fire over 'antisemitic tropes' on far-right US talkshow". Guardian News & Media Limited. Retrieved 6 May 2019. Further reading Ronson, Jon (2001). Them: Adventures with Extremists. London: Picador. ISBN 978-0330375467. Eringer, Robert (1980). The Global Manipulators. Bristol, England: Pentacle Books. OCLC 26551991. Estulin, Daniel (2007). The True Story of the Bilderberg Group. Oregon: Trine Day. ISBN 978-0977795345. Gijswijt, Thomas W. (2019). Informal Alliance: The Bilderberg Group And Transatlantic Relations During The Cold War, 1952–1968. London: Routledgey. ISBN 978-0815396741. Hodapp, Christopher; Alice Von Kannon (2008). Conspiracy Theories & Secret Societies For Dummies. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. ISBN 978-0470184080. Richardson, Ian N.; Andrew P. Kakabadse; Nada K. Kakabadse (2011). Bilderberg People: Elite power and consensus in world affairs. Hoboken, NJ: Routledge. ISBN 978-0415576352. Klimczuk, Stephen; Gerald Warner (2010). Secret Places, Hidden Sanctuaries: Uncovering Mysterious Sites, Symbols and Societies. Sterling. ISBN 978-1402762079. Retinger, J.H (August 1956). The bilderberg group. – A short essay on the origins of the group The Trilateral Commission is a nongovernmental international organization aimed at fostering closer cooperation between Japan, Western Europe and North America.[1] It was founded in July 1973 principally by American banker and philanthropist David Rockefeller, an internationalist[2] who sought to address the challenges posed by the growing economic and political interdependence between the U.S. and its allies in North America, Western Europe, and Japan.[3] The Trilateral Commission is headed by an executive committee and three regional chairs representing Europe, North America, and the Asia-Pacific region, with headquarters in Paris, Washington, D.C., and Tokyo, respectively. Meetings are held annually at locations that rotate among the three regions; regional and national meetings are held throughout the year.[4] Most gatherings focus on discussing reports and debating strategy to meet the commission's aims. The Trilateral Commission represents influential commercial and political interests. As of 2021, there were roughly 400 members, including leading figures in politics, business, media, and academia. Each country within the three regions is assigned a quota of members reflecting its relative political and economic strength. History Founding The Trilateral Commission was formed in 1973 by private citizens of Japan, North American nations (the U.S. and Canada), and Western European nations[3] to foster substantive political and economic dialogue across the world. The idea of the commission was developed in the early 1970s, a time of considerable discord among the United States and its allies in Western Europe, Japan, and Canada.[5] To quote its founding declaration: "Growing interdependence is a fact of life of the contemporary world. It transcends and influences national systems... While it is important to develop greater cooperation among all the countries of the world, Japan, Western Europe, and North America, in view of their great weight in the world economy and their massive relations with one another, bear a special responsibility for developing effective cooperation, both in their own interests and in those of the rest of the world." "To be effective in meeting common problems, Japan, Western Europe, and North America will have to consult and cooperate more closely, on the basis of equality, to develop and carry out coordinated policies on matters affecting their common interests... refrain from unilateral actions incompatible with their interdependence and from actions detrimental to other regions... [and] take advantage of existing international and regional organizations and further enhance their role." "The Commission hopes to play a creative role as a channel of free exchange of opinions with other countries and regions. Further progress of the developing countries and greater improvement of East-West relations will be a major concern."[6] Zbigniew Brzezinski, a Rockefeller advisor who was a specialist on international affairs (and later President Jimmy Carter's National Security Advisor from 1977 to 1981), left Columbia University to organize the group, along with:[7] Edwin Reischauer, professor at Harvard University and United States Ambassador to Japan, 1961–1966[citation needed] George S. Franklin, executive director of the Council on Foreign Relations 1953–1971[8][9] Gerard C. Smith, SALT I negotiator and its first North American chairman Henry D. Owen, foreign policy studies director at the Brookings Institution[10] Max Kohnstamm, European Policy Centre[citation needed] Robert R. Bowie, the Foreign Policy Association and director of the Harvard Center for International Affairs[citation needed] Marshall Hornblower, former partner at Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering[citation needed] Tadashi Yamamoto, Japan Center for International Exchange[11] William Scranton, former governor of Pennsylvania. [citation needed] Other founding members included Alan Greenspan and Paul Volcker, both later heads of the Federal Reserve System. [citation needed] The organization's records are stored at the Rockefeller Archive Center in North Tarrytown, NY.[12] Meetings The Trilateral Commission initiated its biannual meetings in October 1973 in Tokyo, Japan. In May 1976 the first plenary meeting of all of the commission's regional groups took place in Kyoto, Japan. Since the ninth meeting in 1978, plenary meetings have taken place annually. Besides annual plenary meetings, regional meetings have also taken place in each of the Asia Pacific Group, the European Group and the North American Group.[13] Since its founding, the discussion group has produced an official journal, Trialogue. Membership Further information: List of members of the Trilateral Commission Membership is divided into numbers proportionate to each of the think tank's three regional areas. North America is represented by 120 members: 20 Canadian, 13 Mexican and 87 American. The European group has reached its limit of 170 members from almost every country on the continent; the ceilings for individual countries are 20 for Germany, 18 for France, Italy and the United Kingdom, 12 for Spain and 1–6 for the rest. At first Asia and Oceania were represented only by Japan, but in 2000 the Japanese group of 85 members became the Pacific Asia group, comprising 117 members: 75 Japanese, 11 South Koreans, seven Australian and New Zealand citizens, and 15 members from the ASEAN nations (Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand). The Pacific Asia group also included 9 members from China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. The commission now claims "more than 100" Pacific Asian members.[6] The Trilateral Commission's bylaws apparently deny membership to public officials. It draws its members from politics, business, and academia, and has three chairpersons, one from each region. The current chairs are former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs Joseph S. Nye, Jr., former head of the European Central Bank Jean-Claude Trichet, and Yasuchika Hasegawa, chair of Takeda Pharmaceutical Company.[14] Leadership As of September 2021[15] Name Position Jean-Claude Trichet European Chairman Meghan O'Sullivan North American Chairman Akihiko Tanaka Asia Pacific Chairman Alexandra Papalexopoulou European Deputy Chairman Herminio Blanco Mendoza North American Deputy Chairman Barry Desker Asia Pacific Deputy Chairman Carl Bildt European Deputy Chairman Jeffrey Simpson North American Deputy Chairman Jin Roy Ryu Asia Pacific Deputy Chairman David Rockefeller (deceased) Founder Peter Sutherland (deceased) Honorary European Chairman Georges Berthoin European Honorary Chairman Paul Volcker (deceased) North American Honorary Chairman Yasuchika Hasegawa Asia Pacific Honorary Chairman Paolo Magri European Director Richard Fontaine North American Director Hideko Katsumata Asia Pacific Director Notable members Alyssa Ayres, Dean of the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University Catherine Bertini, Professor, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs Antony Blinken, U.S. Secretary of State since 2021, son of Donald Mayer Blinken, stepson of Samuel Pisar[16][17] Michael R. Bloomberg, founder/CEO of Bloomberg L.P., mayor of New York City 2002–2013, namesake of largest U.S. school of public health at Johns Hopkins[16][18][19][20][21][22] Sophie Boissard, Chief Executive Officer, Korian Group Robert R. Bowie, Director of Policy Planning 1953–1957, Foreign Policy Association, co-founder with Henry Kissinger of Harvard Center for International Affairs 1958, Counselor of the State Department 1966–1968, CFR, CIA Chief National Intelligence Officer 1977–1979[7][23] Lael Brainard, Chairman of the U.S. National Economic Council; member of U.S. Federal Reserve's Board of Governors; former Under Secretary U.S. Treasury Ian Bremmer, president of Eurasia Group and GZERO Media[16] Nicola Brewer, British diplomat, British High Commissioner to South Africa, DCMG Esther Brimmer, executive director/CEO of NAFSA: Association of International Educators, Atlantic Council board; former Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs[24] Mark Brzezinski, president and CEO of Brzezinski Strategies LLC, son of Zbigniew Brzezinski, and U.S. Ambassador to Sweden 2011–2015[16] Zbigniew Brzezinski, U.S. National Security Advisor in Carter administration[7][25] Steve Bunnell, partner in O’Melveny & Myers LLP, former General Counsel at DHS R. Nicholas Burns, U.S. Ambassador to China since 2021, professor and board member of the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard Kennedy School, director of the Aspen Strategy Group, senior counselor at The Cohen Group, board member of Entegris Inc., CFR member, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Fulbright scholar at Queen Mary University of London 2020, vice chair of the American Ditchley Foundation, senior advisor at Chatham House, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs 2005–2008, Atlantic Council board[24][16][26] George H. W. Bush, President of the United States 1989–1993, Vice President of the United States 1981-1989[27] Ash Carter, director of the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard Kennedy School, U.S. Secretary of Defense 2015–2017, CFR board, Aspen Strategy Group, Atlantic Council honorary director[24][28][16][29] Jimmy Carter, President of the United States 1977–1981[23][25] Jean Charest, partner in McCarthy Tétrault LLP, former Premier of Québec, member of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada Michael Chertoff, chairman/co-founder of The Chertoff Group, Secretary of Homeland Security 2005–2009, judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 3rd Circuit 2001–2003, Assistant Attorney General for the DoJ Criminal Division 2003–2005, Atlantic Council board[24][16] Raymond Chrétien, strategic adviser at Fasken, former chair of the Montréal Council on Foreign Relations, former Associate Under Secretary of State of External Affairs, former Canadian Ambassador to the Congo, Belgium, Mexico, the United States, and France, nephew of Jean Chrétien[16] Heidi Crebo-Rediker, former Chief Economist, U.S. Department of State and Assistant Secretary of State; Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations Helima Croft, Managing Director, RBC Capital Markets Lee Cullum, Journalist, PBS Caroline Daniel, British journalist, Financial Times John M. Deutch, Director of CIA 1995–1996, Aspen Strategy Group)[28] Paula Dobriansky, Senior Fellow, Harvard Belfer Center; former U.S. Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs Wendy Dobson, Professor Emerita, Roman School of Management, University of Toronto Hedley Donovan, former editor-in-chief of Time[25] Nina Easton, Co-CEO, SellerEaston, former Washington Editor of Fortune Jeffrey Epstein, former hedge fund manager convicted of sex trafficking in 2008, described as "an enthusiastic member of the Trilateral Commission" in 2002[30][31][32][33] Dawn Farrell, President and CEO, TransAlta Corporation Diana Farrell, former CEO and President, JP Morgan Institute, former Head of McKinsey Global Institute, former Deputy Director, U.S. National Economic Council Laurence "Larry" Fink, CFR board member, BlackRock CEO since 1988, WEF trustee[16][29][34][35] George S. Franklin, executive director of the Council on Foreign Relations 1953–1971[7][25][8][9] Richard Gardner, Columbia law professor, U.S. Ambassador to Spain 1993–1997, U.S. Ambassador to Italy 1977–1981[25] David Gergen, Harvard Kennedy School professor, adviser to Nixon, Ford, Reagan, Clinton, commentator for CNN[16][36][37][38] Jamie S. Gorelick, partner at WilmerHale, U.S. Deputy Attorney General 1994–1997, General Counsel of DoD 1993–1994, defended BP after 2010 oil spill, 9/11 Commission member, Amazon board member[39][16] Donald E. Graham, Graham Holdings chair since 2013, Washington Post publisher 1979–2000, Pulitzer Prize board 1999–2008, Facebook board 2009–2015, Bilderberg meeting attendee in 2009 and 2010[16][40] Kelly Grier, former U.S. Chair and Managing Partner, EY Jane Harman, former Member, U.S. House of Representatives; President Emerita, Wilson Center Linda Hasenfratz, CEO, Linamar Corporation Anniken Hauglie, former Director General, Norwegian Oil and Gas Association, former Minister of Labour and Social Affairs, Norway Kerry Healey, President of the Milken Center for Advancing the American Dream; former Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts Marillyn A. Hewson, Former Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer, Lockheed Martin Corporation Fiona Hill, The Globalist writer, former Senior Director for Europe and Russia of the NSC[41][16][42] Carla Anderson Hills, CFR co-chair 2007–2017, U.S. HUD Secretary 1975–1977, U.S. Trade Representative 1989–1993[16] Melody Hobson, Co-CEO and President, Ariel Investments Gerda Holzinger-Bergstaller, Chief Executive Officer, Erste Bank, Austria Karen Elliott House, Former Publisher, The Wall Street Journal; former Senior Vice President, Dow Jones & Company. Christopher B. Howard, Robert Morris University president since 2016, CFR, Rhodes scholar, Harvard Board of Overseers, Aspen Strategy Group[28] Vivian Hunt, British businesswoman and Managing Partner at McKinsey, London Samuel P. Huntington, former director of Harvard’s Center for International Affairs, former White House Coordinator of Security Planning for the U.S. National Security Council[25] David Ignatius, Washington Post journalist, Body of Lies author, Aspen Strategy Group[28][16] Ken Juster, U.S. Ambassador to India Juliette Kayyem, Lecturer in Public Policy, JFK School of Government, Harvard University; former Assistant Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland Security John Kingman, British businessman and chairman at Legal & General Henry Kissinger KCMG, National Security Adviser 1969–1975, U.S. Secretary of State 1973–1977, first chair of the 9/11 Commission Nov.–Dec. 2002, author of NSS Memo 200, Bilderberg attendee, subject of The Trials of Henry Kissinger, mentor of Klaus Schwab, Atlantic Council board[24][16][43][44][45][46] Max Kohnstamm, European Policy Centre[7] Jovan Kovacic, East West Bridge founder and president[25] Nicholas D. Kristof, New York Times columnist, Aspen Strategy Group member, Rhodes scholar[16][47][48][49][50] Stephanie Kusie, Canadian Member of Parliament Monique Leroux, Former Chair of the Board and CEO, Desjardins Group Tove Lifvendahl, political editor-in-chief of Svenska Dagbladet[51] Cecilia Malmstrom, former European Commissioner for Trade, European Commission Heather McPherson, Canadian Member of Parliament Judith A. "Jami" Miscik, CFR vice chair, CIA Deputy Director for Intelligence 2002–2005, Global Head of Sovereign Risk at Lehman Brothers 2005–2008, PIAB chair 2014–2017, president/vice-chair of Kissinger Associates since 2009[16][29] Andrea Mitchell, Chief Foreign Affairs & Chief Washington Correspondent NBC News, Anchor Andrea Mitchell Reports, MSNBC; spouse of Alan Greenspan[16] Susan Molinari, former Member, U.S. House of Representatives Walter Mondale,[25] VPOTUS 1977–1981, candidate in 1984 presidential election Mario Monti, prime minister of Italy 2011–2013[52] Heather Munroe-Blum, Chair, Canada Pension Plan Investment Board John Negroponte, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State 2007–2009, UN Ambassador 2001–2004, first Director of National Intelligence 2005–2007, subject of The Ambassador, brother of MIT Media Lab founder Nicholas Negroponte[16] Michelle Nunn, President and CEO, CARE Joseph Nye, former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, Atlantic Council board[24][25][23] Claudia Olsson, founder and chair, Stellar Capacity[53] Meghan O'Sullivan, Trilateral Commission North American chair, CFR board, Aspen Strategy Group[28] Henry D. Owen, foreign policy studies director at the Brookings Institution[10][25] Stephen Peel, British private equity investor Martin J. Munsch III, U.S. United Nations Deputy Communications Pakistan Mission Relations 2003-2010 under Bush, Clinton 2003 - 2010[28][29][16] Edwin Reischauer, Harvard professor and U.S. Ambassador to Japan, 1961–1966[7] Ginni Rometty, former President and CEO of IBM David Rubenstein, CFR chair, Carlyle Group founder, namesake of HKS building, WEF trustee, Aspen Strategy Group[28][16][29][34][54] Indira Samarasekera, Bennett Jones, former president and former vice-chancellor of the University of Alberta David E. Sanger, New York Times White House correspondent, Aspen Strategy Group[28][16] Eric E. Schmidt, ex-CEO of Google, Bilderberg attendee[16] Susan C. Schwab, Former U.S. Trade Representative William Scranton, former governor of Pennsylvania[7] Kristen Silverberg, President and COO, Business Roundtable; former U.S. Ambassador to the European Union Gerard C. Smith, lead SALT 1 negotiator[55] Rajiv Shah, Rockefeller Foundation president, Atlantic Council board[24][16] Wendy Sherman, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State since 2021; former professor of the practice of public leadership and director of the Center for Public Leadership at the Harvard Kennedy School; former Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, U.S. Department of State[16] Olympia Snowe, U.S. senator from Maine 1995–2013[16] Keir Starmer, leader of the UK Labour Party[56] James B. Steinberg, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State 2009–2011 under Obama, Deputy National Security Advisor 1997–2001 under Clinton, CFR member, Aspen Strategy Group, Bilderberg attendee[16][28] Jake Sullivan, U.S. National Security Advisor since 2021[16] Carole Taylor, former Chair CBC/Radio Canada, former Chair, Canadian Ports Frances Townsend, Homeland Security Advisor 2004–2008, CFR board, Aspen Strategy Group, Atlantic Council board[24][28][16][29] Philip H. Trezise, Center for Law and Social Policy[25] Cyrus Vance Sr., U.S. Secretary of State 1977–1980[25] Jacob Wallenberg, Bilderberg attendee, "prince in Sweden's royal family of finance"[57] Marcus "Husky" Wallenberg, Swedish banker formerly at Citibank, Deutsche Bank, S. G. Warburg & Co., Citicorp and the SEB Group Paul C. Warnke, Center for Law and Social Policy, Clifford, Warnke, Glass, McIlwain & Finney[25] David Willetts, British Conservative Party peerage Tadashi Yamamoto, Japan Center for International Exchange[11][7][25] Robert Zoellick, World Bank president 2007–2012, CFR member, Bilderberg attendee[16] Criticisms Social critic and academic Noam Chomsky has criticized the commission as undemocratic, pointing to its key publication The Crisis of Democracy, which describes the strong popular interest in politics during the 1970s as an "excess of democracy".[58] He has cited it as one of the most interesting and insightful books showing the modern democratic system not to really be a democracy at all, but controlled by elites who seek to keep the general public disengaged from genuine democratic participation by subtle and mostly non-violent methods and to redefine democracy itself in operative terms that enshrine their own interests as a tiny privileged minority. Chomsky adds that as it was an internal discussion, they felt free to "let their hair down" and to talk openly about the need for an increasingly active and defiant public to be reduced back to its proper state of apathy and obedience lest it continue to use democratic means to deprive them of their power.[59] Critics accuse the Commission of promoting a global consensus among the international ruling classes in order to manage international affairs in the interest of the financial and industrial elites under the Trilateral umbrella.[60][61] In his 1980 book With No Apologies, Republican Senator Barry Goldwater suggested that the discussion group was "a skillful, coordinated effort to seize control and consolidate the four centers of power: political, monetary, intellectual, and ecclesiastical... [in] the creation of a worldwide economic power superior to the political governments of the nation-states involved."[62] Conspiracy theories involving the Trilateral Commission Some conspiracy theorists believe the organization to be a central plotter of a world government or synarchy. In his book Among the Truthers: A Journey Through America's Growing Conspiracist Underground, Jonathan Kay wrote that Luke Rudkowski interrupted a lecture by former Trilateral Commission director Zbigniew Brzezinski in April 2007 and accused the organization and a few others of having orchestrated the 9/11 attacks to initiate a new world order.[63] Neo-conservative pundit Charles Krauthammer mockingly alluded to the conspiracy theories about the commission when he was asked in 2012 who makes up the "Republican establishment", saying, "Karl Rove is the president. We meet every month on the full moon... [at] the Masonic Temple. We have the ritual: Karl brings the incense, I bring the live lamb and the long knife, and we began... with a pledge of allegiance to the Trilateral Commission."[64] Publications Books Crozier, Michel; Huntington, Samuel; Watanuki, Joji (1975). The Crisis of Democracy: Report on the Governability of Democracies to the Trilateral Commission. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 0-8147-1365-3. The Global Economic Crisis. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. 2011. ISBN 978-0-930503-93-2. Nuclear Disarmament and Nonproliferation. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. 2011. ISBN 978-0-930503-94-9. See also iconPolitics portal Bilderberg Group Chatham House (The Royal Institute of International Affairs) Council on Foreign Relations World Economic Forum U.S.-Japan Council Bohemian Grove Rockefeller family Samuel Huntington (author of The Crisis of Democracy) Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Valdai Discussion Club Internationalism References "David Rockefeller". Trilateral Commission. Retrieved 14 March 2013. "Obituary: David Rockefeller died on March 20th". The Economist. 2017-04-08. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 2021-12-31. "ABOUT THE TRILATERAL COMMISSION". Retrieved Jul 12, 2018. "Trilateral Commission | History & Facts | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 2021-12-31. "FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS". The Trilateral Commission. Retrieved Jul 12, 2018. "The Trilateral Commission FAQ". The Trilateral Commission. 2011. Retrieved 2011-07-17. “The Trilateral Commission (North America) Records“. Rockefeller Archives. rockarch.org Archived 2013-06-17 at the Wayback Machine Historical Roster of Directors and Officers, Council on Foreign Relations David Stout (March 7, 1996), "George S. Franklin Jr., 82, Foreign Policy Expert" obit, The New York Times: "From 1945 to 1971, he worked for the Council on Foreign Relations in New York, serving as executive director from 1953 to 1971. He served on the group's board for another decade." George S. Franklin Jr., 82, Foreign Policy Expert David Stout. New York Times. March 7, 1996. Retrieved May 12, 2016 "Tadashi Yamamoto, pioneer of international exchange, dies at 76". Asahi Shimbun. 2012-04-16. Archived from the original on 2012-08-01. Retrieved 2012-05-08. "Treasures Within a Treasure: The Rockefeller Archives Center". thehudsonindependent.com. 2018-02-27. Retrieved 2019-01-04. "Meetings". The Trilateral Commission. Retrieved Jul 12, 2018. "Trilateral Commission Membership" (PDF). October 2011. Retrieved 2011-11-12. Membership September 2021 Archived 2021-09-22 at the Wayback Machine. Trilateral Commission. (September 2021), Membership List Archived 2021-09-22 at the Wayback Machine, Trilateral Commission Adam Shaw (July 14, 2021), "Nikki Haley blasts Blinken's invite to UN experts on racism, minority issues: 'This is insane' ", Fox News (Oct. 6, 2014), "Former NYC mayor bestowed honor by Queen", CBS News: "Bloombеrg was made 'an Honorary Knight of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire' . . . Previous recipients of honorary knighthoods include . . . Bill Gatеs and actress-activist Angelina Jolie." Robert Frank, (May 26, 2009), "Billionaires Try to Shrink World's Population, Report Says", The Wall Street Journal: "The New York meeting of billionaires Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, David Rockefeller, Eli Broad, George Soros, Ted Turner, Oprah, Michael Bloombеrg and others was . . . a friendly chat . . . . 'Taking their cue from Gates they agreed that overpopulation was a priority' . . . " Intelligencer Dossier (July 22, 2019), "Jeffrey Epstein's High Society Contacts", New York magazine: "Michael Bloombеrg . . . found in Epstein's black book." Reuters (Sep 08, 2014) "Harvard receives record $350M gift for public health school", New York Daily News: "The largest cumulative donation to any U.S. university . . . is $1.1 billion . . . from former New York City Mayor Michaеl Bloomberg . . . to his alma mater Johns Hopkins University, including its now-eponymous [Bloomberg] School of Public Health." Dana Vigue (Sep 8, 2020), "Experts predicted a coronavirus pandemic years ago. Now it's playing out before our eyes", CNN: "In 2017, a team of experts at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security published a scenario as part of a training exercise that they believed could happen in the not-so-distant future. The SPARS Pandemic Scenario" “Who's Who on the Trilateral Commission”. Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission and Elite Planning for World Management. Boston, MA: South End Press, 1980. ISBN 0896081036 ISBN 0896081044 OCLC 6958001 (pp. 90-122). "Board of Directors", The Atlantic Council Antony C. Sutton and Patrick M. Wood (1978), Trilaterals Over Washington, Vol. 1 (pp. 155–165), Appendix A: Trilateral Commission Membership List, as of Oct. 15, 1978. The August Corporation ISBN 0933482019 LCCN 78-78277. "Nicholas Burns" bio, The Aspen Institute Seth Cotlar (July 24, 2023). "The Trilateral Shitpost Fire that was the 1980 GOP convention, part 1". Rightlandia. Substack. Retrieved July 28, 2023. "Aspen Strategy Group" members, The Aspen Institute "Board of Directors", Council on Foreign Relations Landon Thomas Jr. (Oct. 28, 2002), "Jeffrey Epstein: International Moneyman of Mystery", New York magazine: "He is an enthusiastic member of the Trilateral Commission and the Council on Foreign Relations." "Jeffrey Epstein Was A Member Of The Trilateral Commission - Technocracy News & Trends | Podcast Search Engine by Vocalmatic". vocalmatic.com. Retrieved 2020-12-07. Tore Gjerstad & Gard Oterholm (2 Oct. 2020), "Bill Gates and Jeffrey Epstein met with Nobel Committee chair", Dagens Næringsliv Magasinet: "Not only did [Thorbjørn] Jagland meet Epstein, he hosted him at his lavish residence in Strasbourg, France. At the time, Jagland was the sitting chair of the committee, which awards the prestigious Nobel Peace Prize. Also present: a philanthropist [Gates] touted as a possible Prize recipient." (2013), "Jeffrey Epstein, Education Activist, Applauds Bloomberg's Plan for New York City Charter Schools", CBS MoneyWatch: " . . . Bloomberg's funding will come through his foundation, the Young Men's Initiative, which is also funded by Georgе Soros Open Society Foundations. . . . Jeffrey Epstein also founded the Program for Evolutionary Dynamics at Harvаrd University in 2003 with a $30 million grant. He is a former member of the Trilateral Commission, the Council on Foreign Relations, Rockefeller University, New York Academy of Science and sits on the board of the Mind, Brain and Behavior Committee at Harvard University." "Leadership and Governance | Board of Trustees", World Economic Forum Charles Creitz (June 12, 2021), "BlackRock, other investment firms 'killing the dream' of home ownership, journalist says", Fox News "David R. Gergen" bio, World Economic Forum David Gergen (2001), Eyewitness To Power Simon & Schuster "David Gergen" faculty profile, Harvard Kennedy School (17 Dec 2020), Amazon Board of Directors Compensation and Salary ~ Jamie Gorelick $952,741 (2008) "Pulitzer Prize Board 2007-2008", The Pulitzer Prizes: "Graham served as a Pulitzer Prize board member from 1999-2008." The Globalist (Nov. 23, 2019), "Fiona Hill, Author at The Globalist", The Globalist: " . . . Fiona Hill recently testified in front of the House Intelligence Committee's impeachment hearings of Donald J. Trump. . . . An expert on Russia, she was the last witness to be called and took Congress to school." Zack Budryk (Nov. 21, 2019), "Hill says Soros conspiracy theories are 'new Protocols of the Elders of Zion'", The Hill Intelligencer Dossier (July 22, 2019), "Jeffrey Epstein's High Society Contacts", New York magazine: "Henry Кissinger . . . found in Epstein's black book. One of the century's most notorious practitioners of cutthroat realpolitik, Kissinger served on the Council on Foreign Relations with Epstein." (April 22, 2002), "UK bid to arrest Kissinger fails", CNN.com: "Kissinger's direction of the Vietnam War of the 1960s and 1970s amounted to a breach of British laws requiring people of all nationalities to observe the Geneva Conventions on the conduct of war. It is the latest legal bid made against Kissinger." Klaus Schwab (Jan. 20, 2017), "A Conversation with Henry Kissinger on the World in 2017", World Economic Forum: ". . . I met Dr. Kissinger the first time exactly 50 years ago at Harvаrd. . . . I would like to thank you personally also for the 50-year-long mentorship, and all the advice you have given me." The World Economic Forum | A Partner in Shaping History | The First 40 Years | 1971 – 2010, p. 35: "Klaus Schwab with two important mentors, Henry Kissinger, . . . his former professor at Hаrvard, and Edward Heath . . ." Eric Lichtblau (Aug 9, 2008), "Scientist Officially Exonerated in Anthrax Attacks", The New York Times Jerry Markon (July 14, 2004) "Former Army Scientist Sues New York Times, Columnist", The Washington Post (Aug. 28, 2008), "Kristof apologizes to Hatfill over NYT 'Mr. Z' columns", Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press "Nicholas D. Kristof | Aspen Strategy Group member" The Aspen Institute Membership Trilateral Commission. "European Region - www.trilateral.org". www.trilateral.org. Archived from the original on 9 May 2013. Retrieved 19 March 2022. TC Membership List trilateral.org "HKS Campus Map & Directory", Harvаrd Kennedy School (David Rubenstein building is just west of the Leslie Wexner building — other namesakes on the map include Alfred Taubman, Lucius Nathan Littauer, Robert A. Belfer, Batia & Idan Ofer, Malcolm H. Wiener, Joan Shorenstein, etc.) "8 of the world's most exclusive clubs — can you join?". Fortune. April 2018 European Membership List. Trilateral Commission. Retrieved 2020-06-11. Jane Martinson (June 16, 2006), "Jacob Wallenberg £11bn prince in Sweden's royal family of finance", The Guardian Noam., Chomsky (1999). Profit over people : neoliberalism and global order (Seven Stories Press 1st ed.). New York: Seven Stories Press. ISBN 1888363827. OCLC 39505718. Chomsky's Philosophy (2017-04-18), Noam Chomsky - The Crisis of Democracy, archived from the original on 2021-12-11, retrieved 2018-09-03 Cold Warriors: The Trilateral Commission (Documentary). 1984. “The Commission's Purpose, Structure, and Programs: In Its Own Words”. Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission and Elite Planning for World Management. Boston: South End Press, 1980. ISBN 0-89608-103-6, ISBN 0-89608-104-4, OCLC 6958001. pp. 83-89. Goldwater, Barry. With No Apologies. Co-authored with Stephen Shadegg. Berkley, 1980. ISBN 0-425-04663-X p. 299. Kay, Jonathan. Among the Truthers: A Journey Through America's Growing Conspiracist Underground. New York: Harpers, 2011. ISBN 978-1-55468-630-8. pp. 200–201 "Krauthammer's Take". Special Report with Bret Baier. Retrieved January 26, 2012. External links The Crisis of Democracy (1975). A Report on the Governability of Democracies to the Trilateral Commission. New York University Press. Further reading Articles Brzezinski, Zbigniew. “America and Europe”. Foreign Affairs, Vol. 49, No. 1, October 1970. doi:10.2307/20037815 (pp. 11–30) Includes Brzezinski's proposal for the establishment of a body like the Trilateral Commission. Books Brzezinski, Zbigniew. Between Two Ages: America's Role in the Technetronic Era. New York, NY: Viking Press, 1970. OCLC 88066 Gill, Stephen. American Hegemony and the Trilateral Commission (Cambridge Studies in International Relations). Cambridge University Press, 1991. ISBN 052142433X OCLC 246854587 Kay, Jonathan. Among the Truthers: A Journey Through America's Growing Conspiracist Underground. New York, NY: Harper, 17 May 2011. ISBN 0062004816 Rockefeller, David. Memoirs. New York, NY: Random House, 2002. ISBN 0679405887 Sklar, Holly. Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission and Elite Planning for World Management. Boston, MA: South End Press, 1980. ISBN 0896081036 Sutton, Antony C. Trilaterals Over America. Boring, OR: CPA Book Publishers, 1995. ISBN 978-0944379325 OCLC 39366977. 162 pages. Wood, Patrick M. Technocracy Rising: The Trojan Horse Of Global Transformation. Coherent Publishing, 2014. ISBN 978-0986373909 The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an American think tank specializing in U.S. foreign policy and international relations. Founded in 1921, it is an independent and nonpartisan nonprofit organization. CFR is based in New York City, with an additional office in Washington, D.C. Its membership has included senior politicians, numerous secretaries of state, CIA directors, bankers, lawyers, professors, corporate directors and CEOs, and senior media figures. CFR meetings convene government officials, global business leaders and prominent members of the intelligence and foreign-policy communities to discuss international issues. CFR has published the bi-monthly journal Foreign Affairs since 1922. It also runs the David Rockefeller Studies Program, which makes recommendations to the presidential administration and diplomatic community, testifies before Congress, interacts with the media, and publishes research on foreign policy issues. Richard N. Haass stepped down as company president in June 2023, with Michael Froman replacing him.[3] History Origins, 1918 to 1945 Elihu Root (1845–1937) served as the first honorary president (1921–1937) of the Council on Foreign Relations.[4] (Pictured 1902, age 57). In September 1917, near the end of World War I, President Woodrow Wilson established a working fellowship of about 150 scholars called "The Inquiry", tasked with briefing him about options for the postwar world after Germany was defeated. This academic group, directed by Wilson's closest adviser and long-time friend "Colonel" Edward M. House, and with Walter Lippmann as Head of Research, met to assemble the strategy for the postwar world.[5]: 13–14  The team produced more than 2,000 documents detailing and analyzing the political, economic, and social facts globally that would be helpful for Wilson in the peace talks. Their reports formed the basis for the Fourteen Points, which outlined Wilson's strategy for peace after the war's end. These scholars t

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ John Newton Mitchell (September 15, 1913 – November 9, 1988) was the 67th Attorney General of the United States, serving under President Richard Nixon and was chairman of Nixon's 1968 and 1972 presidential campaigns. Prior to that, he had been a municipal bond lawyer and one of Nixon's associates.[1] He was tried and convicted as a result of his involvement in the Watergate scandal. After his tenure as U.S. Attorney General, he served as chairman of Nixon's 1972 presidential campaign. Due to multiple crimes he committed in the Watergate affair, Mitchell was sentenced to prison in 1977 and served 19 months. As Attorney General, he was noted for personifying the "law-and-order" positions of the Nixon administration, amid several high-profile anti-Vietnam War demonstrations; this generated irony when he became one of very few Cabinet members ever convicted of a crime. Early life Mitchell was born in Detroit to Margaret (McMahon) and Joseph C. Mitchell. He grew up in the New York City borough of Queens.[2][3] He graduated from Fordham University in 1935 with a Bachelor of Arts, then earned his law degree from Fordham University School of Law in 1938.[4][5] He served for three years as a naval officer (Lieutenant, Junior Grade) during World War II where he was a PT boat commander. Except for his period of military service, Mitchell practiced law in New York City from 1938 until 1969 with the firm of Rose, Guthrie, Alexander and Mitchell and earned a reputation as a successful municipal bond lawyer. Richard Nixon was a partner in the firm from 1963 to 1968. Mitchell's second wife, Martha Mitchell, became a controversial figure, gaining notoriety for her late-night phone calls to reporters in which she accused Nixon of participating in the Watergate cover-up and alleged that he and several of his aides were trying to make her husband the scapegoat for the whole affair. New York government Mitchell devised a type of revenue bond called a "moral obligation bond" while serving as bond counsel to New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller in the 1960s. In an effort to get around the voter approval process for increasing state and municipal borrower limits, Mitchell attached language to the offerings that was able to communicate the state's intent to meet the bond payments while not placing it under a legal obligation to do so.[6] Mitchell did not dispute when asked in an interview if the intent of such language was to create a "form of political elitism that bypasses the voter's right to a referendum or an initiative."[7] Political career Mitchell is sworn in as Attorney General of the United States, January 22, 1969. Chief Justice Earl Warren administers the oath while President Richard Nixon looks on. In 1967, the firm of Caldwell, Trimble & Mitchell, where Mitchell was lead partner, merged with Richard Nixon's firm, Nixon, Mudge, Rose, Guthrie, & Alexander. Nixon was then officially in "political retirement" but was quietly organizing a return to politics in the 1968 Presidential Election. Mitchell, with his many contacts in local government, became an important strategic confidant to Nixon, who referred to him as "the heavyweight."[8][9] Nixon campaign manager In 1968 John Mitchell agreed to become Nixon's presidential campaign manager. During his successful 1968 campaign, Nixon turned over the details of the day-to-day operations to Mitchell. Vietnam Allegedly, Mitchell also played a central role in covert attempts to sabotage the 1968 Paris Peace Accords which could have ended the Vietnam War.[10][11][12][13] Attorney general Mitchell, Richard Nixon, J. Edgar Hoover and John Ehrlichman in May 1971 After Nixon became president in January 1969, he appointed Mitchell as Attorney General of the United States while making an unprecedented direct appeal to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover that the usual background investigation not be conducted.[14] Mitchell remained in office from 1969 until he resigned in 1972 to manage Nixon's reelection campaign. Law and order Mitchell believed that the government's need for "law and order" justified restrictions on civil liberties. He advocated the use of wiretaps in national security cases without obtaining a court order (United States v. U.S. District Court) and the right of police to employ the preventive detention of criminal suspects. He brought conspiracy charges against critics of the Vietnam War, likening them to brown shirts of the Nazi era in Germany. Mitchell expressed a reluctance to involve the Justice Department in some civil rights issues. "The Department of Justice is a law enforcement agency," he told reporters. "It is not the place to carry on a program aimed at curing the ills of society." However, he also told activists, "You will be better advised to watch what we do, not what we say."[15][16][17][18][19][20] School desegregation Near the beginning of his administration, Nixon ordered Mitchell to go slow on desegregation of schools in the South, in fulfillment of Nixon's "Southern Strategy" which accused him of focusing on gaining support from Southern white voters. After being instructed by the federal courts that segregation was unconstitutional and that the executive branch was required to enforce the rulings of the courts, Mitchell began to comply, threatening to withhold federal funds from those school systems that were still segregated and threatening legal action against them. School segregation had been struck down as unconstitutional by a unanimous Supreme Court decision in 1954 (Brown v. Board of Education), but in 1955, the Court ruled that desegregation needed to be accomplished only with "all deliberate speed," [21] which many Southern states interpreted as an invitation to delay. It was not until 1969 that the Supreme Court renounced the "all deliberate speed" rule and declared that further delay in accomplishing desegregation was no longer permissible.[22] As a result, some 70% of black children were still attending segregated schools in 1968 when Nixon became president.[23] By 1972, as a result of President Nixon's policy this percentage had decreased to 8%, a greater decrease than in any of the previous three presidents. Enrollment of black children in desegregated schools rose from 186,000 in 1969 to 3 million in 1970.[24]|[25] Public safety From the outset, Mitchell strove to suppress what many Americans saw as major threats to their safety: urban crime, black unrest, and war resistance. He called for the use of "no-knock" warrants for police to enter homes, frisking suspects without a warrant, wiretapping, preventive detention, the use of federal troops to repress crime in the capital, a restructured Supreme Court, and a slowdown in school desegregation. "This country is going so far to the right you won't recognize it," he told a reporter.[26] There had been national outrage over the 1969 burning Cuyahoga River. President Nixon had signed the National Environmental Policy Act on New Year's Day in 1970, establishing the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Nixon appointed William Ruckelshaus to head the agency, which opened its doors December 2, 1970. Mitchell gave a Press Conference December 18, 1970: “I would like to call attention to an area of activity that we have not publicly emphasized lately, but which I feel, because of the changing events, deserves your attention. I refer to the pollution control litigation, with particular reference to our work with the new Environmental Protection Agency, now headed by William Ruckelshaus. As in the case of other government departments and agencies, EPA refers civil and criminal suits to the Department of Justice, which determines whether there is a base for prosecution and of course, if we find it so, we proceed with court action.... And today, I would like to announce that we are filing suit this morning against the Jones and Laughlin Steel Corporation for discharging substantial quantities of cyanide into the Cuyahoga River near Cleveland. Mr. Ruckelshaus has said, when he asked the Department to file this suit, that the 180-day notice filed against the company had expired. We are filing a civil suit to seek immediate injunctive relief under the Refuse Act of 1899 and the Federal Water Pollution Act to halt the discharge of these deleterious materials into the river.”[27] Dirty tricks In an early sample of the "dirty tricks" that would later mark the 1971–72 campaign, Mitchell approved a $10,000 subsidy to employ an American Nazi Party faction in a bizarre effort to get Alabama Governor George Wallace off the ballots in California. The scheme failed.[26] Vesco donation obstruction trial Main article: Committee to Re-elect the President Former attorney general Mitchell enters the Senate caucus room to testify before the Senate Watergate Committee, 1973 John Mitchell's name was mentioned in a deposition concerning Robert L. Vesco, an international financier who was a fugitive from a federal indictment. Mitchell and Nixon Finance Committee Chairman Maurice H. Stans were indicted in May 1973 on federal charges of obstructing an investigation of Vesco after he made a $200,000 contribution to the Nixon campaign.[28] In April 1974, both men were acquitted in a New York federal district court.[29] Watergate scandal Main article: Watergate scandal In the days immediately after the Watergate break-in of June 17, 1972, Mitchell enlisted former FBI agent Steve King to prevent his wife Martha from learning about the break-in or contacting reporters. While she was on a phone call with journalist Helen Thomas about the break-in, King pulled the phone cord from the wall. Mrs. Mitchell was held against her will in a California hotel room and forcibly sedated by a psychiatrist after a physical struggle with five men that left her needing stitches.[30][31] Nixon aides, in an effort to discredit her, told the press that she had a "drinking problem".[32] Nixon was later to tell interviewer David Frost in 1977 that Martha was a distraction to John Mitchell, such that no one was minding the store, and "If it hadn't been for Martha Mitchell, there'd have been no Watergate." In 1972, when asked to comment about a forthcoming article[33] that reported that he controlled a political slush fund used for gathering intelligence on the Democrats, he famously uttered an implied threat to reporter Carl Bernstein: "Katie Graham's gonna get her tit[34] caught in a big fat wringer if that's published."[35][36][37] One of Mitchell's former residences (left) in Georgetown, Washington, D.C. In July 1973, Mitchell testified before the Senate Watergate Committee where he claimed he had no prior knowledge of the Watergate break-in, which contradicted the testimony of others who appeared before the committee. He admitted that he was briefed on January 27, 1972, while he was the attorney general, by G. Gordon Liddy on Operation Gemstone which proposed numerous illegal activities to support the reelection of President Nixon, including the use of prostitutes, kidnapping, and assaulting antiwar protestors. Mitchell testified he should have thrown Liddy "out of the window". Jeb Stuart Magruder and John Dean testified to the committee that Mitchell later approved electronic surveillance (i.e., bugging telephones) but did not approve of the other proposed activities. Tape recordings made by President Nixon and the testimony of others involved confirmed that Mitchell had participated in meetings to plan the break-in of the Democratic Party's national headquarters in the Watergate Office Building.[38] In addition, he had met with the president on at least three occasions to cover up White House involvement, using illegal means such as witness tampering, after the burglars were discovered and arrested.[39] On January 1, 1975, Mitchell, who was represented by the criminal defense attorney William G. Hundley, was found guilty of conspiracy, obstruction of justice, and perjury.[40] Mitchell was sentenced on February 21 to two-and-a-half to eight years in prison for his role in the Watergate break-in and cover-up, which he dubbed the "White House horrors".[41] As a result of the conviction, Mitchell was disbarred from the practice of law in New York.[42] The sentence was later reduced to one-to-four years by United States District Court Judge John J. Sirica. Mitchell served only 19 months of his sentence at Federal Prison Camp, Montgomery (in Maxwell Air Force Base) in Montgomery, Alabama, a minimum-security prison, before being released on parole for medical reasons.[43] Death Around 5:00 pm on November 9, 1988, Mitchell collapsed from a heart attack on the sidewalk in front of 2812 N Street NW in the Georgetown area of Washington, D.C., and died that evening at George Washington University Hospital.[44] He was buried with full military honors at Arlington National Cemetery. He was eligible for the honor because of his World War II Naval service and having held the cabinet post of Attorney General. In popular culture John Randolph had an uncredited role in the 1976 film All the President's Men as the voice of John Mitchell. Randolph portrayed Mitchell again, this time in a credited role, in "Blind Ambition" Mitchell's archival footages are shown in Slow Burn. He was portrayed by E. G. Marshall in Oliver Stone's 1995 film Nixon. He was portrayed by John Doman in the 2020 film The Trial of the Chicago 7. Mitchell is portrayed by Sean Penn in the 2022 limited series Gaslit.[45] He was portrayed by John Carroll Lynch in the 2023 miniseries White House Plumbers (miniseries). References Perlstein, Rick (2008). Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America. Scribner. p. 175. ISBN 978-0-7432-4302-5. "United States Census 1930", United States census, 1930; Queens, New York; page 4b, line 51, enumeration district 41-325. "United States Census 1940", United States census, 1940; Queens, New York; page 5a, line 28, enumeration district 41-1147a. "John N. Mitchell biography". Department of Justice. October 24, 2014. Retrieved January 21, 2017. "John N. Mitchell Dies at 75; Major Figure in Watergate". New York Times. November 10, 1988. Retrieved January 21, 2017. Mysak, Joseph; Marlin, George (1991). Fiscal Administration: Analysis and Applications for the Public Sector. Pacific Grove, California: Brooks/Cole. ISBN 978-0155058552. Kittredge, William P.; Kreutzer, David W. (2001). "We Only Pay the Bills: The Ongoing Effort to Disfranchise Virginia's Voters". Abingdon, Virginia: The Virginia Institute for Public Policy. Archived from the original on May 30, 2009. Retrieved December 12, 2009. "Attorney General: John Newton Mitchell". www.justice.gov. October 23, 2014. Retrieved January 23, 2022. Perlstein, Rick (2001). Before the storm : Barry Goldwater and the unmaking of the American consensus (1st ed.). New York City: Hill and Wang. ISBN 9780809028580. Robert "KC" Johnson. “Did Nixon Commit Treason in 1968? What The New LBJ Tapes Reveal”. History News Network, January 26, 2009. Transcript from audio recording on YouTube of President Lyndon Johnson: "The next thing that we got our teeth in was one of his associates — a fellow named Mitchell, who is running his campaign, who's the real Sherman Adams (Eisenhower's chief of staff) of the operation, in effect said to a businessman that 'we're going to handle this like we handled the Fortas matter, unquote. We're going to frustrate the President by saying to the South Vietnamese, and the Koreans, and the Thailanders [sic], "Beware of Johnson."' 'At the same time, we're going to say to Hanoi, "I [Nixon] can make a better deal than he (Johnson) has, because I'm fresh and new, and I don't have to demand as much as he does in the light of past positions."'" Hersh, Seymour (1983). The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House. Summit Books. ""A few days before the election, she wrote, Mitchell telephoned with an urgent message. 'Anna,' (Chennault) she quotes him as saying. 'I'm speaking on behalf of Mr. Nixon. It's very important that our Vietnamese friends understand our Republican position and I hope you have made that clear to them.'"." Jules Witcover. “The Making of an Ink-Stained Wretch: Half a Century Pounding the Political Beat”[permanent dead link]. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005, p131. "I tracked down Anna Chennault (...) she insisted she had acted under instructions from the Nixon campaign in contacting the Saigon regime. 'The only people who knew about the whole operation,' she told me, 'were Nixon, John Mitchell and John Tower [senator from Texas and Nixon campaign figure], and they're all dead. But they knew what I was doing. Anyone who knows about these thing knows I was getting orders to do these thing. I couldn't do anything without instructions.'". Clifford, Clark M.; Holbrooke, Richard C. (1991). Counsel to the President: A Memoir. New York City: Random House. p. 582. ISBN 9780394569956. "It was not difficult for Ambassador Diem to pass information to Anna Chennault, who was in contact with John Mitchell, she said later, 'at least once a day.'" Gentry, Curt (1991). J. Edgar Hoover: The Man And The Secrets. New York City: W. W. Norton. p. 616. ISBN 0-393-02404-0. Safire, William (November 14, 1988). "Watch What We Do". The New York Times. Retrieved July 22, 2017. Billington, James H. (2010). Respectfully Quoted: A Dictionary of Quotations. Chelmsford, Massachusetts: Courier Corporation. ISBN 9780486472881. Retrieved July 22, 2017 – via Google Books. Bartlett, Bruce (January 8, 2008). Wrong on Race: The Democratic Party's Buried Past. New York City: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9780230611382. Retrieved July 22, 2017 – via Google Books. Smith, Robert Charles (July 22, 1996). We Have No Leaders: African Americans in the Post-Civil Rights Era. New York City: SUNY Press. ISBN 9780791431351. Retrieved July 22, 2017 – via Google Books. Rosen, James (May 20, 2008). The Strong Man: John Mitchell and the Secrets of Watergate. New York City: Knopf Doubleday. ISBN 9780385525466. Retrieved July 22, 2017 – via Google Books. Rawson, Hugh; Miner, Margaret (2006). The Oxford Dictionary of American Quotations. New York City: Oxford University Press USA. ISBN 9780195168235. Retrieved July 22, 2017 – via Google Books. Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294 (1955) See, e.g., Alexander v. Holmes County Board of Education, 396 U.S. 19 (1969) Karl, Jonathan (May 24, 2008). "Reconsidering John Mitchell". Wall Street Journal. Retrieved July 22, 2017. Marlin, George (May 9, 2008). "Reviewing The Strong Man: John Mitchell and the Secrets of Watergate". Human Events. Archived from the original on August 28, 2016. Retrieved July 22, 2017. Jacoby, Tamar (May 2002). "A Surprise, but not a Success". Atlantic. Retrieved May 2, 2023. "John N. Mitchell Dies at 75; Major Figure in Watergate". The New York Times. November 10, 1988. "Press Conference Attorney John Mitchell 12-18-1970" (PDF). Woodward, Bob; Bernstein, Carl (1974). All The President's Men. New York City: Simon and Schuster. pp. 284n, 335. Woodward, Bob; Bernstein, Carl (1976). The Final Days. New York City: Simon and Schuster. p. 138. ISBN 0-671-22298-8. Reeves, Richard (2002). President Nixon : alone in the White House (1st Touchstone ed. 2002. ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. pp. 511. ISBN 0-7432-2719-0. McLendon, Winzola (1979). Martha: The Life of Martha Mitchell. Random House. ISBN 9780394411248. Olson, Keith (2003). Watergate: The Presidential Scandal That Shook America. "WashingtonPost.com: Mitchell Controlled Secret GOP Fund". www.washingtonpost.com. The words "her tit" were not included in the newspaper article. Graham, Katharine (July 22, 1997). Personal History. Alfred A. Knopf. p. 465. ISBN 9780394585857. Retrieved July 22, 2017 – via Internet Archive. Graham, Katharine (January 28, 1997). "The Watergate Watershed -- A Turning Point for a Nation and a Newspaper". The Washington Post. Retrieved July 22, 2017. Woodward & Bernstein (1974) p. 105 United States Congress House Comm on the Judiciary (July 23, 1974). Impeachment Inquiry Books I-III. U.S. Government Printing Office. John Mitchell | Attorney General of the United States Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved July 9, 2020. "John N. Mitchell Dies at 75; Major Figure in Watergate". The New York Times. November 10, 1988. Retrieved September 4, 2021. "Mitchell, Haldeman, Ehrlichman are sentenced to 2½ to 8 years, Mardian to 10 months to 3 years". The New York Times. February 22, 1975. Retrieved September 4, 2021. See Mitchell v. Association of the Bar, 40 N.Y.2d 153, 351 N.E.2d 743, 386 N.Y.S.2d 95 (1976) "John N. Mitchell, Principal in Watergate, Dies at 75". The Washington Post. December 4, 1997. Retrieved May 7, 2010. Times, Special to the New York (November 10, 1988). "John N. Mitchell Dies at 75; Major Figure in Watergate". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved June 15, 2023. Maas, Jennifer (February 2, 2022). "'Gaslit' Teaser: Sean Penn and Julia Roberts Transform Into John and Martha Mitchell for Starz Watergate Series". Variety. Further reading Rosen, James (2008). The Strong Man: John Mitchell and the Secrets of Watergate. New York: Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-50864-3. External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to John N. Mitchell. Wikiquote has quotations related to John N. Mitchell. 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The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Summit Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Movement (Serbo-Croatian: Конференција шефова држава или влада несврстаних земаља / Konferencija šefova država ili vlada nesvrstanih zemalja, Macedonian: Конференција на шефови на држави или влади на неврзани земји, Slovene: Konferenca voditeljev držav ali vlad neuvrščenih držav) on 1–6 September 1961 in Belgrade, Yugoslavia was the first conference of the Non-Aligned Movement.[1] A major contributing factor to the organization of the conference was the process of decolonization of a number of African countries in the 1960s.[1] Some therefore called it the ″Third World's Yalta″ in reference to 1945 Yalta Conference.[1] Twenty-five countries in total participated in Belgrade Conference, while 3 countries, Bolivia, Brazil and Ecuador, were observers.[2] The preparatory meeting of Non-Aligned Countries took place earlier that year in Cairo June 5–12, 1961.[3] One of the issues was division of the newly independent countries over the Congo Crisis which led to a rift and creation of the conservative and anti-radical Brazzaville Group and radical nationalist Casablanca Group.[1] All members of the Casablanca Group attended the conference, including Algeria, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Morocco and the United Arab Republic, while none of the Brazzaville Group was present.[1] The summit was followed by the 2nd Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Cairo in 1964. The 1962 Cairo Conference on the Problems of Developing Countries was a direct follow-up of the Belgrade Summit at which Brazil, Ethiopia, India, Senegal and Yugoslavia will work on preparation for the upcoming UNCTAD conference of the ECOSOC.[4] The Conference This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (May 2021) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Participating states. Brijuni Islands, an archipelago in the Socialist Republic of Croatia, were initially considered to host the summit after they hosted the Brioni Meeting of 1956, yet the City of Belgrade was ultimately selected due to Brijuni's insufficient venues and concentration of the international communication and media facilities in the capital city of Yugoslavia.[5] Vladimir Popović was the head of the Yugoslav State Committee for the Preparation of the Conference. The conference brought together 25 independent states. In addition to them, there were three states that had observer status, eleven socialist parties, trade unions from Japan and four other organizations. Socio-economic differences between participants were great and from the beginning participating states often showed different interests. Yugoslavia attached special importance to Latin American countries participation. The participation of these countries, along with the representatives of Europe, should have given the conference the character of a gathering where all parts of the world are represented, and avoid reduction to Afro-Asian meeting as it was case with some meetings before. President Tito only partially succeeded bringing together all parts of the world to the conference. From Latin America, only Cuba was a full participant, while Bolivia, Brazil and Ecuador had observer status. The reason for that was the inability of these states to resist some pressure from the United States which wanted to preserve its role in the Western Hemisphere. The representatives of Yugoslavia were especially disappointed with Mexico's last minute cancelation. Of the European countries, only Cyprus and Yugoslavia as a host participated in the meeting. The conference was followed by 1,016 journalists of which 690 were from abroad from 53 different countries and with the New York Times' Paul Hofmann describing the event as a "paradise for cameramen".[6] Together, four Indian newspapers (The Times of India, The Hindu Madras, Indian Express and The Patriot) and four American newspapers (The New York Times, The Washington Post, Los Angeles Times and The Christian Science Monitor) published 177,265 words about the conference in 7 days before, during and 7 days after the conference.[6] Participants Afghanistan Mohammed Daoud Khan, Prime Minister of Afghanistan Algeria Benyoucef Benkhedda, Head of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic Myanmar U Nu, Prime Minister of Burma Cambodia Norodom Sihanouk, Chief of State of Cambodia Dominion of Ceylon Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Prime Minister of Ceylon Republic of the Congo (Léopoldville) Cyrille Adoula, Prime Minister of Congo-Léopoldville and Antoine Gizenga, Deputy Prime Minister Cuba Osvaldo Dorticós Torrado, President of Cuba Cyprus Makarios III, President of Cyprus Ethiopia Haile Selassie, Emperor of Ethiopia Ghana Kwame Nkrumah, President of Ghana Guinea Louis Lansana Beavogui, Foreign Minister of Guinea India Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India Indonesia Sukarno, President of Indonesia Iraq Hashem Jawad, Foreign Minister of Iraq Lebanon Saeb Salam, Prime Minister of Lebanon Mali Modibo Keïta, President of Mali Morocco Hassan II, King of Morocco Nepal Mahendra, King of Nepal Saudi Arabia Ibrahim bin Abdullah Al Suwaiyel, Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia Somalia Aden Adde, President of Somalia Sudan Ibrahim Abboud, President of Sudan Tunisia Habib Bourguiba, President of Tunisia United Arab Republic Gamal Abdel Nasser, President of the United Arab Republic Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen Prince Seif el Islam el Hassan, Prime Minister of the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito, President of Yugoslavia Observers Bolivia José Fellman, Minister of Education of Bolivia and Jorge Gutierrez Allendrebe, minister plenipotentiary Brazil Franco Filho de Mello, Brazilian Ambassador to Switzerland Ecuador Jose Joaquin Silva, Ecuadorian Ambassador to West Germany Guests Canada Robert Ford[7] United States George F. Kennan[7] United Kingdom Michael Creswell[7] See also Yugoslavia and the Non-Aligned Movement 50th Anniversary Additional Commemorative Non-Aligned Meeting 60th Anniversary Additional Commemorative Non-Aligned Meeting References Ancic, Ivana (17 August 2017). "Belgrade, The 1961 Non-Aligned Conference". Global South Studies. University of Virginia. Pantelic, Nada (2011). "The First Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries (in Serbian and English)". Exhibition Catalog. Archives of Yugoslavia. ISBN 978-86-80099-35-4. "2011.- "The first conference of the Heads of state or Government of Non-aligned countries, Belgrade 1961"". Archives of Yugoslavia. Retrieved 28 July 2020. James Mark; Yakov Feygin (2020). "The Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, and Alternative Vision of a Global Economy 1950s–1980s". In James Mark; Artemy M. Kalinovsky; Steffi Margus (eds.). Alternative Globalizations: Eastern Europe and the Postcolonial World. Indiana University Press. pp. 35–58. ISBN 978-0-253-04650-5. Mila Turajlić (2023). "Film as the Memory Site of the 1961 Belgrade Conference of Non-Aligned States". In Paul Stubbs (ed.). Socialist Yugoslavia and the Non-Aligned Movement: Social, Cultural, Political, and Economic Imaginaries. McGill-Queen's University Press. pp. 203–231. ISBN 9780228014652. Jürgen Dinkel (2014). "'To grab the headlines in the world press': Non-aligned summits as media events". In Nataša Mišković; Herald Fischer-Tine; Nada Boškovska (eds.). The Non-Aligned Movement and the Cold War: Delhi — Bandung — Belgrade. Routledge. pp. 207–225. ISBN 978-0-415-74263-4. Rakove, Robert B. (2014). "Two roads to Belgrade: the United States, Great Britain, and the first nonaligned conference". Cold War History. 14 (3): 337–357. doi:10.1080/14682745.2013.871528. S2CID 153513441.

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ This documentary stands as a testament to the endurance and strength of the Vietnamese people beyond the lens of war. It embarks on a poignant journey back to Vietnam, shedding light on a nation scarred by conflict yet brimming with perseverance. It captures Vietnam not as a battleground but as a country rebuilding from the ruins. It features a tapestry of tranquil landscapes, revealing a peaceful Vietnam, starkly different from its war-torn past. Scenes of peasants amid serene backdrops juxtapose the tales of horror Pilger unravels. Traversing the North, Pilger exposes the aftermath of Operation Hades, where the devastation wrought by herbicidal spraying and bomb craters scar the once-lush terrains. He unveils the stark realities faced by the Vietnamese, from impending famine in Vinh to cities grappling with food shortages. Throughout the narrative, Pilger offers a sympathetic portrayal of the Vietnamese people, praising their resilience in creating irrigation systems and the intricate Cu Chi tunnels, the sanctuary of the National Liberation Front. While refraining from animosity toward American soldiers, he unreservedly critiques the political leaders in Washington. Yet, Pilger doesn't shy away from scrutinizing the victors, shedding light on re-education camps and governmental policies akin to Stalinist brutality. He uncovers the paradoxical new "economic zones," born from crop failures, and highlights concerning practices like book-burning and vigilantism. Returning to Saigon after years, Pilger witnesses a transformed landscape devoid of crippled children and war-ravaged veterans. He acknowledges the state's control mechanisms but juxtaposes it with a civil transition after years of bitterness, praising the strides in healthcare and the nurturing of orphans. "Echoes of Vietnam: A Chronicle of Resilience" (ATV), aired on ITV in October 1978, remains an evocative portrayal of a nation's endurance, compassion, and the delicate balance between the shadows of history and the hope for a brighter future. Spanning 53 minutes, this documentary encapsulates the spirit of a nation rebuilding amidst the echoes of its tumultuous past.

Philip David Ochs (/ˈoʊks/; December 19, 1940 – April 9, 1976) was an American songwriter and protest singer (or, as he preferred, a topical singer). Ochs was known for his sharp wit, sardonic humor, political activism, often alliterative lyrics, and distinctive voice. He wrote hundreds of songs from the 1960s to early 1970s and released eight albums. Ochs performed at many political events during the 1960s counterculture era, including anti-Vietnam War and civil rights rallies, student events, and organized labor events over the course of his career, in addition to many concert appearances at such venues as New York City's Town Hall and Carnegie Hall. Politically, Ochs described himself as a "left social democrat"[1] who became an "early revolutionary" after the protests at the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago led to a police riot, which had a profound effect on his state of mind. After years of prolific writing in the 1960s, Ochs's mental stability declined in the 1970s. He had a number of mental health problems, including depression, bipolar disorder and alcoholism, and died by suicide in 1976. Ochs's influences included Woody Guthrie, Pete Seeger, Buddy Holly, Elvis Presley, Bob Gibson, Faron Young, and Merle Haggard. His best-known songs include "I Ain't Marching Anymore", "When I'm Gone", "Changes", "Crucifixion", "Draft Dodger Rag", "Love Me, I'm a Liberal", "Outside of a Small Circle of Friends", "Power and the Glory", "There but for Fortune", "The War Is Over", and "No More Songs". Biography Early years Phil Ochs was born on December 19, 1940,[2] in El Paso, Texas, to Jacob "Jack" Ochs (1910-1963), a physician who was born in New York,[3] and Gertrude Phin Ochs (1912-1994),[4][5] who was from Scotland.[6] His father was of Polish Jewish descent.[7] His parents met and married in Edinburgh where Jack was attending medical school.[8] After their marriage, they moved to the United States. Jack, drafted into the army, was sent overseas near the end of World War II, where he treated soldiers at the Battle of the Bulge. His war experiences affected his mental health and he received an honorable medical discharge in November 1945.[9] Suffering from bipolar disorder and depression on his return home, Jack was unable to establish a successful medical practice and instead worked at a series of hospitals around the country.[8] As a result, the Ochs family moved frequently: to Far Rockaway, New York, when Ochs was a teenager; then to Perrysburg in western New York, where he first studied music; and then to Columbus, Ohio.[10] Ochs grew up with an older sister, Sonia (known as Sonny, born 1937), and a younger brother, Michael (born 1943).[4] The Ochs family was middle class and Jewish, but not religious.[11] His father was distant from his wife and children, and was hospitalized for depression;[12] he died on April 30, 1963, from a cerebral hemorrhage.[13] His mother died on March 9, 1994.[5] As a teenager, Ochs was recognized as a talented clarinet player; in an evaluation, one music instructor wrote: "You have exceptional musical feeling and the ability to transfer it on your instrument is abundant."[14] His musical skills allowed him to play clarinet with the orchestra at the Capital University Conservatory of Music in Ohio, where he rose to the status of principal soloist before he was 16. Although Ochs played classical music, he soon became interested in other sounds he heard on the radio, such as early rock icons Buddy Holly and Elvis Presley[15] and country music artists including Faron Young, Ernest Tubb, Hank Williams Sr., and Johnny Cash.[16] Ochs also spent a lot of time at the movies. His mother did not want to hire a babysitter and instead gave her sons money to spend at the theatre. While living in Far Rockaway, the brothers saw five to six films each week, as there were three theaters in town.[17] He especially liked big screen heroes such as John Wayne[15] and Audie Murphy.[18] Later on, he developed an interest in movie rebels, including Marlon Brando and James Dean.[19] From 1956 to 1958, Ochs was a student at the Staunton Military Academy in rural Virginia, and when he graduated he returned to Columbus and enrolled at Ohio State University.[20] Unhappy after his first quarter, he took a leave of absence and went to Florida. While in Miami, the 18-year-old Ochs was jailed for two weeks for sleeping on a park bench, an incident he would later recall: Somewhere during the course of those fifteen days I decided to become a writer. My primary thought was journalism ... so in a flash, I decided—I'll be a writer and a major in journalism.[21] Bob Gibson was a major influence on Ochs's writing. Ochs returned to Ohio State to study journalism and developed an interest in politics, with a particular interest in the Cuban Revolution of 1959. At Ohio State, he met Jim Glover, a fellow student who was a devotee of folk music. Glover introduced Ochs to the music of Pete Seeger, Woody Guthrie, and the Weavers. Glover taught Ochs how to play guitar, and they debated politics.[18] Ochs began writing newspaper articles, often on radical themes. When the student paper refused to publish some of his more radical articles, he started his own underground newspaper called The Word, as well as writing for the satire magazine, The Sundial, with fellow classmate R.L. Stine.[22] His two main interests, politics and music, soon merged, and Ochs began writing topical political songs. Ochs and Glover formed a duet called "The Singing Socialists",[23] later renamed "The Sundowners", but the duo broke up before their first professional performance and Glover went to New York City to become a folksinger.[24] Ochs's parents and brother had moved from Columbus to Cleveland, and Ochs started to spend more time there, performing professionally at a local folk club called Farragher's Back Room. He was the opening act for a number of musicians in the summer of 1961, including the Smothers Brothers.[25] Ochs met folksinger Bob Gibson that summer as well, and according to Dave Van Ronk, Gibson became "the seminal influence" on Ochs's writing.[26] Ochs continued at Ohio State into his senior year, but was bitterly disappointed at not being appointed editor-in-chief of the college newspaper, and dropped out in his last quarter without graduating. He left for New York, as Glover had, to become a folksinger.[27] 1962–1966 In the early 1960s, there was a folk music rebirth in this country with the likes of Peter, Paul and Mary, Joan Baez, Pete Seeger and Bob Dylan. Although his fame was probably limited, Ochs became an integral part of that crowd. His songs "Draft Dodger Rag" and "I Ain't Marching Anymore" became a rallying cry for the peace movement much the way that Dylan's did. Leba Hertz, "'Phil Ochs' Review: A Voice Made for Marching", San Francisco Chronicle, March 18, 2011[28] Ochs arrived in New York City in 1962 and began performing in numerous small folk nightclubs, eventually becoming an integral part of the Greenwich Village folk music scene.[29] He emerged as an unpolished but passionate vocalist who wrote pointed songs about current events: war, civil rights, labor struggles and other topics. While others described his music as "protest songs", Ochs preferred the term "topical songs".[30] Ochs described himself as a "singing journalist",[31] saying he built his songs from stories he read in Newsweek.[32] By the summer of 1963, he was sufficiently well known in folk circles to be invited to sing at the Newport Folk Festival, where he performed "Too Many Martyrs" (co-written with Bob Gibson), "Talking Birmingham Jam", and "Power and the Glory"—his patriotic Guthrie-esque anthem that brought the audience to its feet. Other performers at the 1963 folk festival included Peter, Paul and Mary, Joan Baez, Bob Dylan, and Tom Paxton.[33] Ochs's return appearance at Newport in 1964, when he performed "Draft Dodger Rag" and other songs, was widely praised.[34] However, he was not invited to appear in 1965, the festival when Dylan infamously performed "Maggie's Farm" with an electric guitar. Although many in the folk world decried Dylan's choice, Ochs was amused, and admired Dylan's courage in defying the folk establishment.[35][36] In 1964, he performed his song "Talking Vietnam Blues" which was "the first protest song to directly refer to Vietnam by name".[37] In 1963, Ochs performed at New York's Carnegie Hall and Town Hall in hootenannies.[38] He made his first solo appearance at Carnegie Hall in 1966.[39] Throughout his career, Ochs would perform at a wide range of venues, including civil rights rallies, anti-war demonstrations, and concert halls.[40] Ochs contributed many songs and articles to the influential Broadside Magazine.[41][42] He recorded his first three albums for Elektra Records: All the News That's Fit to Sing (1964), I Ain't Marching Anymore (1965), and Phil Ochs in Concert (1966).[43] Critics wrote that each album was better than its predecessors, and fans seemed to agree; record sales increased with each new release.[44] On these records, Ochs was accompanied only by an acoustic guitar. The albums contain many of Ochs's topical songs, such as "Too Many Martyrs", "I Ain't Marching Anymore", and "Draft Dodger Rag"; and some musical reinterpretation of older poetry, such as "The Highwayman" (poem by Alfred Noyes) and "The Bells" (poem by Edgar Allan Poe). Phil Ochs in Concert includes some more introspective songs, such as "Changes" and "When I'm Gone".[45][46] During the early period of his career, Ochs and Bob Dylan had a friendly rivalry. Dylan said of Ochs, "I just can't keep up with Phil. And he just keeps getting better and better and better".[47] On another occasion, when Ochs criticized either "One of Us Must Know (Sooner or Later)" or "Can You Please Crawl Out Your Window?" (sources differ), Dylan threw him out of his limousine, saying, "You're not a folksinger. You're a journalist."[48] In 1962, Ochs married Alice Skinner, who was pregnant with their daughter Meegan, in a City Hall ceremony with Jim Glover as best man and Jean Ray as bridesmaid, and witnessed by Dylan's sometime girlfriend, Suze Rotolo.[49][50] Phil and Alice separated in 1965, but they never divorced.[51][52] Like many people of his generation, Ochs deeply admired President John F. Kennedy, even though he disagreed with the president on issues such as the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the growing involvement of the United States in the Vietnamese civil war. When Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963, Ochs wept. He told his wife that he thought he was going to die that night. It was the only time she ever saw Ochs cry.[53][54] Ochs's managers during this part of his career were Albert Grossman (who also managed Bob Dylan, Peter, Paul, and Mary and Gordon Lightfoot) followed by Arthur Gorson.[55] Gorson had close ties with such groups as Americans For Democratic Action, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and Students for a Democratic Society.[56] Ochs was writing songs at a fast pace. Some of the songs he wrote during this period were held back and recorded on his later albums.[57] 1967–1969 In 1967, Ochs – now managed by his brother Michael—left Elektra Records for A&M Records and moved to Los Angeles, California.[58] He recorded four studio albums for A&M: Pleasures of the Harbor (1967), Tape from California (1968), Rehearsals for Retirement (1969), and the ironically titled Greatest Hits (1970) (which actually consisted of all new material).[59] For his A&M albums, Ochs moved away from simply produced solo acoustic guitar performances and experimented with ensemble and even orchestral instrumentation, "baroque-folk",[60] in the hopes of producing a pop-folk hybrid that would be a hit.[61] Critic Robert Christgau, writing in Esquire of Pleasures of the Harbor in May 1968, did not consider this new direction a good turn. While describing Ochs as "unquestionably a nice guy", he went on to say, "too bad his voice shows an effective range of about half an octave [and] his guitar playing would not suffer much if his right hand were webbed." "Pleasures of the Harbor", Christgau continued, "epitomizes the decadence that has infected pop since Sgt. Pepper. [The] gaudy musical settings ... inspire nostalgia for the three-chord strum."[62] With an ironic sense of humor, Ochs included Christgau's "webbed hand" comment in his 1968 songbook The War is Over on a page titled "The Critics Raved", opposite a full-page picture of Ochs standing in a large metal garbage can.[63] Despite his sense of humor, Ochs was unhappy that his work was not receiving the critical acclaim and popular success he had hoped to achieve.[64] Still, Ochs would joke on the back cover of Greatest Hits that there were 50 Phil Ochs fans ("50 fans can't be wrong!"), a sarcastic reference to an Elvis Presley album that bragged of 50 million Elvis fans.[65] None of Ochs's songs became hits, although "Outside of a Small Circle of Friends" received a good deal of airplay. It reached No. 119 on Billboard's national "Hot Prospect" listing before being pulled from some radio stations because of its lyrics, which included "smoking marijuana is more fun than drinking beer".[66] It was the closest Ochs ever came to the Top 40. Joan Baez, however, did have a Top Ten hit in the U.K. in August 1965, reaching No. 8 with her recording of Ochs's song "There but for Fortune",[67][68] which was also nominated for a Grammy Award for "Best Folk Recording".[69] In the U.S. it peaked at No. 50 on the Billboard charts[70]—a good showing, but not a hit.[71] Although he was trying new things musically, Ochs did not abandon his protest roots. He was profoundly concerned with the escalation of the Vietnam War, performing tirelessly at anti-war rallies across the country. In 1967 he organized two rallies to declare that "The War Is Over"—"Is everybody sick of this stinking war? In that case, friends, do what I and thousands of other Americans have done—declare the war over."[72]—one in Los Angeles in June, the other in New York in November.[73] He continued to write and record anti-war songs, such as "The War Is Over" and "White Boots Marching in a Yellow Land". Other topical songs of this period include "Outside of a Small Circle of Friends", inspired by the murder of Kitty Genovese, who was stabbed to death outside of her New York City apartment building while dozens of her neighbors reportedly ignored her cries for help, and "William Butler Yeats Visits Lincoln Park and Escapes Unscathed", about the despair he felt in the aftermath of the Chicago 1968 Democratic National Convention police riot.[74] Ochs was writing more personal songs as well, such as "Crucifixion", in which he compared the deaths of Jesus Christ and assassinated President John F. Kennedy as part of a "cycle of sacrifice" in which people build up heroes and then celebrate their destruction; "Chords of Fame", a warning against the dangers and corruption of fame; "Pleasures of the Harbor", a lyrical portrait of a lonely sailor seeking human connection far from home; and "Boy in Ohio", a plaintive look back at Ochs's childhood in Columbus.[75][76] A lifelong movie fan, Ochs worked the narratives of justice and rebellion that he had seen in films into his music, describing some of his songs as "cinematic".[77] He was disappointed and bitter when his onetime hero John Wayne embraced the Vietnam War with what Ochs saw as the blind patriotism of Wayne's 1968 film, The Green Berets: [H]ere we have John Wayne, who was a major artistic and psychological figure on the American scene, ... who at one point used to make movies of soldiers who had a certain validity, ... a certain sense of honor [about] what the soldier was doing. ... Even if it was a cavalry movie doing a historically dishonorable thing to the Indians, even as there was a feeling of what it meant to be a man, what it meant to have some sense of duty. ... Now today we have the same actor making his new war movie in a war so hopelessly corrupt that, without seeing the movie, I'm sure it is perfectly safe to say that it will be an almost technically-robot-view of soldiery, just by definition of how the whole country has deteriorated. And I think it would make a very interesting double feature to show a good old Wayne movie like, say, She Wore a Yellow Ribbon with The Green Berets. Because that would make a very striking comment on what has happened to America in general.[78] Ochs was involved in the creation of the Youth International Party, known as the Yippies, along with Jerry Rubin, Abbie Hoffman, Stew Albert, and Paul Krassner.[79] At the same time, Ochs actively supported Eugene McCarthy's more mainstream bid for the 1968 Democratic nomination for President, a position at odds with the more radical Yippie point of view.[80][81] Still, Ochs helped plan the Yippies' "Festival of Life" which was to take place at the 1968 Democratic National Convention along with demonstrations by other anti-war groups including the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam.[82] Despite warnings that there might be trouble, Ochs went to Chicago both as a guest of the McCarthy campaign and to participate in the demonstrations. He performed in Lincoln Park, Grant Park, and at the Chicago Coliseum, witnessed the violence perpetrated by the Chicago police against the protesters, and was arrested at one point.[83][84] Ochs also purchased the young boar who became known as the Yippie 1968 Presidential candidate "Pigasus the Immortal" from a farm in Illinois.[85][86] The cover of Ochs's 1969 album, Rehearsals for Retirement The events of 1968 – the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. and of Robert F. Kennedy weeks later, the Chicago police riot, and the election of Richard Nixon – left Ochs feeling disillusioned and depressed.[87] The cover of his 1969 album Rehearsals for Retirement portrayed a tombstone with the words: PHIL OCHS (AMERICAN) BORN: EL PASO, TEXAS, 1940 DIED: CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, 1968[88] At the trial of the Chicago Seven in December 1969, Ochs testified for the defense. His testimony included his recitation of the lyrics to his song "I Ain't Marching Anymore". On his way out of the courthouse, Ochs sang the song for the press corps; to Ochs's amusement, his singing was broadcast that evening by Walter Cronkite on the CBS Evening News.[89] 1970 After the riot in Chicago and the subsequent trial, Ochs changed direction again. The events of 1968 convinced him that the average American was not listening to topical songs or responding to Yippie tactics. Ochs thought that by playing the sort of music that had moved him as a teenager he could speak more directly to the American public.[90] Ochs turned to his musical roots in country music and early rock and roll.[91] He decided he needed to be "part Elvis Presley and part Che Guevara",[92] so he commissioned a gold lamé suit from Elvis Presley's costumer Nudie Cohn.[93] Ochs wore the gold suit on the cover of his 1970 album, Greatest Hits, which consisted of new songs largely in rock and country styles.[75][91] Ochs went on tour wearing the gold suit, backed by a rock band, singing his own material along with medleys of songs by Buddy Holly, Elvis, and Merle Haggard. His fans did not know how to respond. This new Phil Ochs drew a hostile reaction from his audience. Ochs's March 27, 1970, concerts at Carnegie Hall were the most successful, and by the end of that night's second show, Ochs had won over many in the crowd.[15] The show was recorded and released as Gunfight at Carnegie Hall.[94] During this period, Ochs was taking drugs to get through performances. He had been taking Valium for years to help control his nerves, and he was also drinking heavily.[95] Pianist Lincoln Mayorga said of that period, "He was physically abusing himself very badly on that tour. He was drinking a lot of wine and taking uppers. The wine was pulling him one way and the uppers were pulling him another way, and he was kind of a mess. There were so many pharmaceuticals around – so many pills. I'd never seen anything like that."[96] Ochs tried to cut back on the pills, but alcohol remained his drug of choice for the rest of his life.[97][98] Depressed by his lack of widespread appreciation and suffering from writer's block, Ochs did not record any further albums.[99] He slipped deeper into depression and alcoholism.[97][98] His personal problems notwithstanding, Ochs performed at the inaugural benefit for Greenpeace on October 16, 1970, at the Pacific Coliseum in Vancouver, British Columbia. A recording of his performance, along with performances by Joni Mitchell and James Taylor, was released by Greenpeace in 2009. 1971–1975 Phil Ochs rewrite of his song "Here's to the State of Mississippi" into "Here's to the State of Richard Nixon". Typed at the apartment of Chip Berlet in 1974 prior to Ochs's performance of the song at Impeachment Ball. Copy sent to his brother Michael Ochs for registration. Original at Chicago History Museum. In August 1971, Ochs went to Chile, where Salvador Allende, a Marxist, had been democratically elected in the 1970 election. There he met Chilean folksinger Víctor Jara, an Allende supporter, and the two became friends. In October, Ochs left Chile to visit Argentina. Later that month, after singing at a political rally in Uruguay, he and his American traveling companion David Ifshin were arrested and detained overnight. When the two returned to Argentina, they were arrested as they got off the airplane. After a brief stay in an Argentinian prison, Ochs and Ifshin were sent to Bolivia via a commercial airliner where authorities were to detain them.[100] Ifshin had previously been warned by Argentinian leftist friends that when the authorities sent dissidents to Bolivia, they would disappear forever. When the airliner arrived in Bolivia, the American captain of the Braniff International Airways aircraft allowed Ochs and Ifshin to stay on the aircraft and barred Bolivian authorities from entering. The aircraft then flew to Peru where the two disembarked and they were not detained. Fearful that Peruvian authorities might arrest him, Ochs returned to the United States a few days later.[101] Ochs was having difficulties writing new songs during this period, but he had occasional breakthroughs. He updated his sarcastic song "Here's to the State of Mississippi" as "Here's to the State of Richard Nixon", with cutting lines such as "the speeches of the Spiro are the ravings of a clown", a reference to Nixon's vitriolic vice president, Spiro Agnew—sung as "the speeches of the President are the ravings of a clown" after Agnew's resignation.[102][103][104] Ochs was personally invited by John Lennon to sing at a large benefit at the University of Michigan in December 1971 on behalf of John Sinclair, an activist poet who had been arrested on minor drug charges and given a severe sentence. Ochs performed at the John Sinclair Freedom Rally along with Stevie Wonder, Allen Ginsberg, David Peel, Abbie Hoffman, and many others. The rally culminated with Lennon and Yoko Ono, who were making their first public performance in the United States since the breakup of the Beatles.[105] Although the 1968 election had left him deeply disillusioned, Ochs continued to work for the election campaigns of anti-war candidates, such as George McGovern's unsuccessful Presidential bid in 1972.[106] In 1972, Ochs was asked to write the theme song for the film Kansas City Bomber. The task proved difficult, as Ochs struggled to overcome his writer's block. Although his song was not used in the soundtrack, it was released as a single.[107] Ochs decided to travel. In mid-1972, he went to Australia and New Zealand.[108] He traveled to Africa in 1973, where he visited Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Malawi, and South Africa. One night, Ochs was attacked and strangled by robbers in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, which damaged his vocal cords, causing a loss of the top three notes in his vocal range.[109] The attack also exacerbated his growing mental problems, and he became increasingly paranoid. Ochs believed the attack may have been arranged by US government agents, perhaps the CIA. Still, he continued his trip, even recording a single in Kenya, "Bwatue".[110] On September 11, 1973, the Allende government of Chile was overthrown in a coup d'état. Allende committed suicide during the bombing of the presidential palace,[111] and singer Victor Jara was rounded up with other professors and students, tortured and murdered.[112] When Ochs heard about the manner in which his friend had been killed, he was outraged and decided to organize a benefit concert to bring to public attention the situation in Chile, and raise funds for the people of Chile. The concert, "An Evening with Salvador Allende", was held on May 9, 1974, at New York City's Felt Forum, included films of Allende; singers such as Pete Seeger, Arlo Guthrie, Dave Van Ronk, and Bob Dylan; and political activists such as former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark. Dylan had agreed to perform at the last minute when he heard that the concert had sold so few tickets that it was in danger of being canceled. Once his participation was announced, the event quickly sold out.[113] After the Chile benefit, Ochs and Dylan discussed the possibility of a joint concert tour, playing small nightclubs. Nothing came of the Dylan-Ochs plans, but the idea eventually evolved into Dylan's Rolling Thunder Revue.[114] The Vietnam War ended on April 30, 1975.[115] Ochs planned a final "War Is Over" rally, which was held in New York's Central Park on May 11. More than 100,000 people came to hear Ochs, joined by Harry Belafonte, Odetta, Pete Seeger, Paul Simon and others. Ochs and Joan Baez sang a duet of "There but for Fortune" and he closed with his song "The War Is Over".[116] Decline and death Ochs' drinking became more and more of a problem, and his behavior became increasingly erratic. He frightened his friends both with his drunken rants about the FBI and CIA and about his claiming to want to have Elvis's manager Colonel Tom Parker or Kentucky Fried Chicken's Colonel Sanders manage his career.[117] In mid-1975, Ochs took on the identity of John Butler Train. He told people that Train had murdered Ochs and that he, John Butler Train, had replaced him. Ochs was convinced that someone was trying to kill him, so he carried a weapon at all times: a hammer, a knife, or a lead pipe.[118] His brother, Michael, attempted to have him committed to a psychiatric hospital. Friends pleaded with him to get help voluntarily. They feared for his safety because he was getting into fights with bar patrons. Unable to pay his rent, he began living on the streets.[119] After several months, the Train persona faded and Ochs returned, but his talk of suicide disturbed his friends and family. They hoped it was a passing phase, but Ochs was determined.[120] One of his biographers explains Ochs's motivation: By Phil's thinking, he had died a long time ago: he had died politically in Chicago in 1968 in the violence of the Democratic National Convention; he had died professionally in Africa a few years later when he had been strangled and felt that he could no longer sing; he had died spiritually when Chile had been overthrown and his friend Victor Jara had been brutally murdered; and, finally, he had died psychologically at the hands of John Train.[121] On Christmas Eve 1975, Ochs visited the apartment of Larry Sloman and Dave Peller, which he had done semi-frequently near the end of 1975. On this particular evening, Peller recorded Ochs singing 10 songs, 5 of them new and intended for an album that "would be an unflinching narrative of his psychosis over the past year"[122] which went by the working title of Duels in the Sun. 5 other songs were also in some level of completion by this time. A second tape, possibly recorded before Christmas Eve, features additional songs intended for this project.[123] This album would never come to fruition beyond these two recordings. In January 1976, Ochs moved to Far Rockaway, New York, to live with his sister Sonny. He was lethargic; his only activities were watching television and playing cards with his nephews. Ochs saw a psychiatrist, who diagnosed him with bipolar disorder. He was prescribed medication, and he told his sister he was taking it.[124] On April 9, 1976, Ochs died by suicide by hanging himself in Sonny's home.[125] Years after his death, it was revealed that the FBI had a file of nearly 500 pages on Ochs.[126] Much of the information in those files relates to his association with counterculture figures, protest organizers, musicians, and other people described by the FBI as "subversive".[127] The FBI was often sloppy in collecting information on Ochs: his name was frequently misspelled "Oakes" in their files, and they continued to consider him "potentially dangerous"[128] after his death.[127] Congresswoman Bella Abzug (Democrat from New York), an outspoken anti-war activist who had appeared at the 1975 "War is Over" rally, entered this statement into the Congressional Record on April 29, 1976: Mr. Speaker, a few weeks ago, a young folksinger whose music personified the protest mood of the 1960s took his own life. Phil Ochs – whose original compositions were compelling moral statements against the war in Southeast Asia – apparently felt that he had run out of words. While his tragic action was undoubtedly motivated by terrible personal despair, his death is a political as well as an artistic tragedy. I believe it is indicative of the despair many of the activists of the 1960s are experiencing as they perceive a government that continues the distortion of national priorities that is exemplified in the military budget we have before us. Phil Ochs's poetic pronouncements were part of a larger effort to galvanize his generation into taking action to prevent war, racism, and poverty. He left us a legacy of important songs that continue to be relevant in 1976—even though "the war is over". Just one year ago – during this week of the anniversary of the end of the Vietnam War – Phil recruited entertainers to appear at the "War is Over" celebration in Central Park, at which I spoke. It seems particularly appropriate that this week we should commemorate the contributions of this extraordinary young man.[129] Robert Christgau, who had been so critical of Pleasures of the Harbor and Ochs's guitar skills eight years earlier, wrote warmly of Ochs in his obituary in The Village Voice. "I came around to liking Phil Ochs's music, guitar included," Christgau wrote. "My affection [for Ochs] no doubt prejudiced me, so it is worth [noting] that many observers who care more for folk music than I do remember both his compositions and his vibrato tenor as close to the peak of the genre."[130] 1976 Memorial Concert On May 28th, 1976 at New York City's Felt Forum, a memorial concert was held for Ochs. Spearheaded by Michael and Sonny Ochs, the over six hour concert consisted of performances of Phil's best known material by many of his peers and influences, including Dave Van Ronk, Pete Seeger, Jim Glover, Jean Ray, Melanie, Bob Gibson and Peter Yarrow among others, with spoken Ed Sanders written tributes delivered by Jerry Rubin and Ramsey Clark.[131] Legacy Almost 50 years after his death, Ochs's songs remain relevant.[132] Ochs continues to influence singers and fans worldwide, most of whom never saw him perform live. There are mailing lists and online discussion groups dedicated to Ochs and his music;[133][134] websites that have music samples, photographs, and other links;[135][136] and articles and books continue to be written and published about him.[137] His sister, Sonny Ochs (Tanzman), runs a series of "Phil Ochs Song Nights" with a rotating group of performers who keep Ochs's music and legacy alive by singing his songs in cities across the U.S.[138] His brother Michael Ochs is a photographic archivist of 20th-century music and entertainment personalities.[139] His daughter Meegan Lee Ochs worked with Michael to produce a box set of Ochs's music titled Farewells & Fantasies, the title of which was taken from Ochs's sign-off on the "postcard" on the back of Tape from California: "Farewells & Fantasies, Folks, P. Ochs".[140][141] Meegan has a son named Caiden Finn Potter, Ochs's only grandchild.[142] Alice Skinner Ochs was a photographer;[143] she died in November 2010.[144] In February 2009, the North American Folk Music and Dance Alliance gave the 2009 Elaine Weissman Lifetime Achievement Award to Ochs.[145] In September 2014, Meegan Lee Ochs announced that she was donating her father's archives to the Woody Guthrie Center in Tulsa, Oklahoma.[146] Included are many of his notebooks, journals, videotapes of his performances, the gold lamé suit, photographs, and other documents and memorabilia that Meegan had preserved since his death.[147] Covers and updates Main article: List of cover versions of Phil Ochs songs Ochs's songs have been covered by scores of performers, including Joan Baez, Bastro, Cher, Judy Collins, John Denver,[138] Ani DiFranco, Ronnie Gilbert,[138] John Wesley Harding, Henry Cow, Jason & the Scorchers,[148] Jim and Jean, Jeannie Lewis,[149] Gordon Lightfoot,[138] Melanie, Christy Moore,[150] Morrissey, Pete Seeger, They Might Be Giants, Eddie Vedder, and the Weakerthans.[151] Wyclef Jean performed "Here's to the State of Mississippi" in the 2009 documentary Soundtrack for a Revolution.[152] In 1998, Sliced Bread Records released What's That I Hear?: The Songs of Phil Ochs, a two-CD set of 28 covers by artists that includes Billy Bragg, John Gorka, Nanci Griffith, Arlo Guthrie, Magpie, Tom Paxton, and Peter Yarrow.[153] The liner notes indicate that all record company profits from the sale of the set were to be divided between the American Civil Liberties Union Foundation of Southern California and Sing Out! magazine.[154] Wood Records released an indie rock/experimental rock tribute album titled Poison Ochs: A Tribute to Phil Ochs in 2003.[155] In 2005, Kind Of Like Spitting released an album, Learn: The Songs of Phil Ochs, consisting of covers of nine songs written by Ochs, to pay tribute to his music and raise awareness of the artist, whom they felt had been overlooked.[156][157] Jello Biafra and Mojo Nixon, on their album Prairie Home Invasion, recorded a version of "Love Me, I'm a Liberal" with lyrics updated to the Clinton era.[158] Evan Greer, part of the Riot-Folk collective, later updated the song for the George W. Bush era.[159] Ryan Harvey, also part of Riot-Folk, remade "Cops Of The World" with updated lyrics.[160] The Clash used some of the lyrics to "United Fruit" in their song "Up in Heaven (Not Only Here)", which appeared on their 1980 album Sandinista!.[161] During their performance on VH1 Storytellers, Pearl Jam covered "Here's to the State of Mississippi" with updated lyrics to include Jerry Falwell, Dick Cheney, John Roberts, Alberto Gonzales, and George W. Bush.[162] In 2002, with the agreement of Ochs's sister Sonny, Richard Thompson added an extra verse to "I Ain't Marching Anymore" to reflect recent American foreign policy.[163] Jefferson Starship recorded "I Ain't Marching Anymore" with additional lyrics by band member Cathy Richardson for their 2008 release Jefferson's Tree of Liberty.[164] Neil Young has cited Ochs as a major influence on his music. In a 1969 interview, Young said, "I really think Phil Ochs is a genius ... he's written fantastic, incredible songs – he's on the same level with Dylan in my eyes."[165] In 2013, Young performed "Changes" at Farm Aid[166][167] and included it in his 2014 tour set;[168][169] it also is the lead track on A Letter Home, his 2014 album of covers.[170] In 2016, Richard Barone released his album Sorrows & Promises: Greenwich Village in the 1960s, which includes "When I'm Gone".[171] Barone said of the project: "My favorite artist on the album is Phil Ochs. I grew up with Phil Ochs songs. I love his topical songs–and I also like his songs that are not political. He was always really good no matter what he was doing."[172] On tour, Barone also performed "Changes".[173] In 2020, Welsh singer-songwriter Martyn Joseph released Days of Decision: A Tribute to Phil Ochs containing 14 Ochs covers, as well as liner notes by Ochs' sister, Sonny.[174] Tributes On learning of Ochs' death, Tom Paxton wrote a song titled "Phil", which he recorded for his 1978 album Heroes.[175] Ochs is also the subject of "I Dreamed I Saw Phil Ochs Last Night", by Billy Bragg, from his 1990 album The Internationale, which was based on the Alfred Hayes/Earl Robinson song "Joe Hill" which Ochs helped popularize.[176][177] Ochs also had his own, different song ("Joe Hill") about the early 20th-century union activist/songwriter. "Thin Wild Mercury," by Peter Cooper and Todd Snider, is about Ochs's infamous clash with Dylan and getting thrown out of Dylan's limo.[178] Ochs is mentioned in the Dar Williams song "All My Heroes Are Dead", the Will Oldham song "Gezundheit", the Chumbawamba song "Love Me", and the They Might Be Giants song "The Day".[179] The Josh Joplin Group recorded a tribute to Ochs on their album Useful Music.[180] Schooner Fare recorded "Don't Stop To Rest (Song for Phil Ochs)" on their 1981 album Closer to the Wind.[175] Latin Quarter memorialized him in the song "Phil Ochs" on their album Long Pig (1993).[181] John Wesley Harding recorded a song titled "Phil Ochs, Bob Dylan, Steve Goodman, David Blue and Me", the title a reference to the Ochs song "Bach, Beethoven, Mozart and Me".[182] Singer-songwriter Nanci Griffith wrote a song about Phil entitled "Radio Fragile", included in her album Storms.[183] English folk/punk songwriter Al Baker recorded a song about Ochs entitled "All The News That's Fit To Sing", a reference to the title of Ochs's first album.[179] Cajun musician Vic Sadot wrote a song about Ochs entitled "Broadside Balladeer".[184] Singer-songwriter Jen Cass's "Standing In Your Memory", and Harry Chapin's "The Parade's Still Passing By" are tributes to Ochs. Leslie Fish recorded "Chickasaw Mountain", which is dedicated to Ochs, on her 1986 album of that name.[179] The punk band Squirrel Bait cited Ochs as a major creative influence in the liner notes of their 1986 album Skag Heaven, and cover his "Tape From California".[185] The American hardcore punk supergroup Hesitation Wounds wrote a song called "P. Ochs (The Death of a Rebel)", which appeared on their self-titled debut EP in 2013.[186] The song's lyrics reference the folk singer's life and suicide.[187] Ochs has also influenced Greek folk-rock songwriters; Dimitris Panagopoulos' Astathis Isoropia (Unstable Equilibrium) (1987) was dedicated to his memory.[175] On the 2005 Kind Of Like Spitting album In the Red, songwriter Ben Barnett included his song "Sheriff Ochs", which was inspired by reading a biography of Ochs.[188] On April 9, 2009, Ochs' friend Jim Glover performed a tribute to Ochs at Mother's Musical Bakery in Sarasota, Florida.[189] Popular culture Among Ochs's many admirers were the short story writer Breece D'J Pancake[190] and actor Sean Penn.[191] Meegan Lee Ochs, who worked as Sean Penn's personal assistant from 1983 to 1985,[192] wrote in her foreword to Farewells & Fantasies that she and Penn discussed "over many years" the possibility of making a movie about her father;[193] the plan has not yet come to fruition, although Penn expressed an interest in the project as recently as February 2009.[194] Author Jim Carroll's autobiography, The Basketball Diaries (1978), was dedicated in memory of Phil Ochs.[195] Ochs is mentioned in the song "The Day" from the self titled They Might Be Giants album. On the cover of the Go-Betweens' The Lost Album, Grant McLennan wore a shirt with the words "Get outta the car, Ochs", a reference to the limousine incident involving Ochs and Dylan.[196] The 1994 film Spanking the Monkey makes reference to Ochs and his suicide.[197] Ochs is mentioned in the Stephen King novels The Tommyknockers (1987)[198] and Hearts in Atlantis (1999).[199] In the 2019 novel Revolutionaries by Joshua Furst, based on the life of Abbie Hoffman, Ochs appears as a character under his own name.[200] Ochs is mentioned in David Bowie's 2013 song "(You Will) Set the World on Fire" on The Next Day album.[201] Films Michael Korolenko directed the 1984 biographical film Chords of Fame, which featured Bill Burnett as Ochs. The film included interviews with people who had known Ochs, including Yippies Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, manager Harold Leventhal, and Mike Porco, the owner of Gerde's Folk City. Chords of Fame also included performances of Ochs songs by folk musicians who knew him, including Bob Gibson, Pete Seeger, Tom Paxton, Dave Van Ronk, and Eric Andersen.[202] Filmmaker Ken Bowser directed the documentary film Phil Ochs: There but for Fortune, which premiered at the 2010 Woodstock Film Festival in Woodstock, New York.[203][204][205] Its theatrical run began on January 5, 2011, at the IFC Theater in Greenwich Village, New York City, opening in cities around the US and Canada thereafter.[206] The film features extensive archival footage of Ochs and many pivotal events from the 1960s civil rights and peace movements, as well as interviews with friends, family and colleagues who knew Ochs through music and politics.[207][208] The PBS American Masters series opened its 2012 season with an edited version of the film.[209][210] Experimental filmmaker Phil Solomon named his 2007 experimental film Rehearsals for Retirement after Ochs' 1969 song of the same name.[211] In the 2011 film The Chicago 8 the role of Phil Ochs was played by the actor Steven Schub (lead singer of The Fenwicks and HaSkaLA.)[212] Professional affiliations Ochs was a member of the American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, which is affiliated with the AFL–CIO.[213][214] The music publishing company Ochs formed with Arthur Gorson, Barricade Music, was an ASCAP company.[215] Discography Main articles: Phil Ochs discography and list of songs recorded by Phil Ochs Studio albums and live recordings All the News That's Fit to Sing (Elektra, 1964) I Ain't Marching Anymore (Elektra, 1965) Phil Ochs in Concert (Elektra, 1966) Pleasures of the Harbor (A&M, 1967) Tape from California (A&M, 1968) Rehearsals for Retirement (A&M, 1969) Greatest Hits (A&M, 1970) Gunfight at Carnegie Hall (A&M Canada, 1974) There and Now: Live in Vancouver 1968 (Rhino, 1991) Live at Newport (Vanguard, 1996) Amchitka (Greenpeace, 2009) On My Way (1963 Demo Session) (MicroWerks, 2010) Live Again! (RockBeat, 2014) Live in Montreal 10/22/66 (Rockbeat, 2017) See also Counterculture of the 1960s List of anti-war songs List of peace activists Robyn Ochs, his niece and a bisexual activist References Citations Jones, Dylan (October 30, 2012). The Biographical Dictionary of Popular Music: From Adele to Ziggy, the Real A to Z of Rock and Pop. Macmillan. ISBN 9781250031884. Stanton, p. 351 Schumacher, p. 13. Cohen (1999), p.2 Deceased Ancestor's Name (June 14, 2016). "United States Social Security Death Index". Familysearch.org. Retrieved March 10, 2017. Schumacher, pp. 11–12. "TSHA | Ochs, Phillip David". Brend, p. 100. Schumacher, p. 17. Schumacher, pp. 20, 23–24. Eliot (1989), p. 12. Schumacher, pp. 16–17, 21. Schumacher, p. 57. Schumacher, p. 24. Wolf, Buck (August 16, 2001). "The Sad End of the First Elvis Impersonator". ABC News. Retrieved October 31, 2015. Schumacher, pp. 24–27. Eliot (1989), p. 12, 13. Kornfeld, Michael (January 16, 2011). "Sonny Ochs Reflects on Her Brother Phil and a New Film About Him". Acoustic Music Scene. Retrieved January 18, 2011. Eliot (1989), pp. 5, 8, 13. Schumacher, pp. 26–28. Doggett, P. (2001). All the News That's Fit to Sing/I Ain't Marching Anymore (CD reissue). Phil Ochs. Elektra. "Phil and Me". Celebrating Phil Ochs. April 28, 2015. Retrieved June 27, 2023. Houghton, Mick; Allan Jones (March 2011). "The Power and the Glory". Uncut. Page 60. Schumacher, pp. 33–41. Schumacher, pp. 41–42. Schumacher, p. 43. Schumacher, pp. 44–45. Hertz, Leba (March 18, 2011). "'Phil Ochs' Review: A Voice Made for Marching". San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved November 20, 2018. Schumacher, p. 53. Brend, pp. 101–102. Buckley, Peter (2003). The Rough Guide to Rock: The Definitive Guide to More Than 1200 Artists and Bands (3 ed.). London: Rough Guides. p. 742. ISBN 978-1-85828-457-6. Schumacher, p. 54. Schumacher, pp. 59–63. Schumacher, p. 84. Schumacher, pp. 98, 101–104. Ochs, Phil (August 12, 1967). "It Ain't Me, Babe". The Village Voice. Auslander, Ben H. (Summer 1981). "If You Wanna End War And Stuff, You Gotta Sing Loud". Journal of American Culture. 4: 108. doi:10.1111/j.1542-734X.1981.0402_108.x. Schumacher, p. 67. Schumacher, pp. 112–115. Cohen (1999), pp. 12–15. Schumacher, pp. 54–55. "Smithsonian Folkways Recordings". Folkways.si.edu. Retrieved March 24, 2018. Cohen (1999), pp. 189–191. Schumacher, pp. 91–92, 117. Eliot (1989), pp. 77, 86–89, 99–103. Schumacher, pp. 76–77, 90–91, 116–117. Dallas, Karl (November 27, 1965). "Dylan Said It—'I Can't Keep Up With Phil'". Melody Maker. p. 10. Schumacher, p. 106. Rotolo, Suze (2008). A freewheelin' time: a memoir of Greenwich Village in the sixties. New York: Broadway Books. p. 249. ISBN 978-0-7679-2687-4. Eliot (1979), pp. 61-63. Schumacher, pp. 58, 67, 92. Eliot (1989), p. 148. Schumacher, p. 68. Schumacher, pp. 68–69. Eliot (1989), p. 64, 94. Eliot (1989), pp. 66–67. Schumacher, pp. 118, 149. Schumacher, pp. 129–130, 134. Cohen (1999), pp. 191–193. Brend, p. 106. Eliot (1989), pp. 131–133. Christgau, Robert (May 1968). "Dylan-Beatles-Stones-Donovan-Who, Dionne Warwick and Dusty Springfield, John Fred, California". Esquire. Retrieved January 24, 2009. Ochs (1968), p. 44. Schumacher, p. 166. Schumacher, p. 226. Eliot (1989), pp. 136–137. Warner, Jay (2008). Notable Moments of Women in Music. Milwaukee, Wisc.: Hal Leonard. p. 133. ISBN 978-1-4234-2951-7. Phil Ochs interviewed on the Pop Chronicles (1969) Taylor, Timothy Dean (1997). Global Pop: World Music, World Markets. New York City: Routledge. p. 225. ISBN 978-0-415-91872-5. "Billboard singles". Billboard. Retrieved February 3, 2009. Schumacher, p. 95. Ochs, Phil (November 23, 1967). "Have You Heard? The War is Over!". The Village Voice.; reprinted in Ochs (1968), p. 92; excerpted in Schumacher, p. 171. Schumacher, pp. 139–148, 170–173. Schumacher, pp. 149, 208. Eliot (1989), p. 193. Schumacher, pp. 110, 160, 214–215, 223–224. For example, in the spoken introduction to "Ringing of Revolution" on Phil Ochs in Concert. Cunningham, Sis; Gordon Friesen (1968). "Interview with Phil Ochs". Broadside Magazine (91).; quoted in Schumacher, p. 178. Eliot (1989), p. 140. Schumacher, p. 182–184. Despite their disagreements, the Yippies used several Ochs songs in their media, in particular, the anti-war "I Ain't Marching Anymore". For example, see this Yippie-produced documentary Archived May 28, 2008, at the Wayback Machine. Brend, pp. 106–107. Schumacher, pp. 194–196. See also the documentary film Conventions: The Land Around Us at Vimeo Institute, Bathroom Readers' (October 2011). Uncle John's Unsinkable Bathroom Reader. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 9781607104605. "YIPPIE Party Pigasus the Immortal 1969 Inauguration Vietnam Pinback Button Lot". Collectors Weekly. Schumacher, pp. 201, 204. Schumacher, p. 211. Eliot (1989), pp. 175–188. Schumacher, pp. 222–223. Schumacher, p. 224. Schumacher, p. 227. Brend, p. 108. Schumacher, pp. 227–233. Schumacher, pp. 216–217, 233. Schumacher, p. 233. Eliot (1989), pp. 207, 213, 236. Schumacher, pp. 260, 265, 275, 301–302, 310–311. Schumacher, pp. 226, 235, 255. Schumacher, pp. 239–253. Schumacher, pp. 239–253. Schumacher, p. 255. Eliot, p. 216. The "Spiro" lyrics can be heard in this clip on YouTube from the 1971 "Free John Sinclair" rally. The "President" lyrics can be heard in the 1974 single release. Schumacher, pp. 256–259. Schumacher, pp. 262–263. Schumacher, pp. 263–264, 269, 271. Schumacher, pp. 264–271. "Phil Ochs Biography". SonnyOchs.com. Retrieved April 17, 2009. Schumacher, pp. 279–285. "Chile court confirms Salvador Allende committed suicide". BBC News. September 12, 2012. Haberman, Clyde (November 18, 2018). "He Died Giving a Voice to Chile's Poor. A Quest for Justice Took Decades". The New York Times. Retrieved September 14, 2023. Schumacher, pp. 287–297. Schumacher, pp. 298–299. Schomp, Virginia (2002). The Vietnam War. Tarrytown, N.Y.: Benchmark Books. p. 78. ISBN 978-0-7614-1099-7. Schumacher, pp. 304–306. Schumacher, pp. 310–311. Schumacher, pp. 312–318 Schumacher, pp. 327–333. Schumacher, pp. 339–341. Schumacher, p. 341. Peller, Dave. "Phil Ochs' Last Recording". YouTube. Sloman, Larry. "Phil Ochs Last Recording - Tape II". YouTube. After Ochs's death, his sister found he had been lying about taking his medication. Schumacher, p. 349. Schumacher, pp. 344–352. Blair, p. 4. Eliot (1989), pp. 301–308. Schumacher, p. 355. Abzug, Bella (April 29, 1976). "Death of Phil Ochs". Congressional Record. 122 (10)., quoted in Schumacher, pp. 354–355. Christgau, Robert (April 19, 1976). "Phil Ochs 1940–1976". The Village Voice. Retrieved January 28, 2009. "The Pop Life". The New York Times. May 28, 1976. Kornfeld, Michael (April 6, 2016). "Remembering Phil Ochs on the 40th Anniversary of His Death". acousticmusicscene.com. Retrieved April 14, 2016. "Many of [Ochs'] songs became anthems for the anti-war movement during the turbulent 1960s, and his music continues to influence and inspire songwriters today – 40 years after his death" "Phil Ochs Mailing List". Web.csc.pdx.edu. Retrieved January 28, 2009. "Phil Ochs Yahoo! Group". Launch.groups.yahoo.com. Archived from the original on July 9, 2012. Retrieved January 28, 2009. "Phil Ochs on MySpace". Myspace.com. Retrieved March 18, 2015. "No More Songs". Nomoresongs.org. Archived from the original on March 7, 2018. Retrieved January 28, 2009. Examples include Marlatt, Jayne Stewart (1985). "There but for Fortune: A Critical Analysis of the Protest Rhetoric of Phil Ochs". California State University, Sacramento. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help), Niemi, Robert (Winter 1993). "JFK as Jesus: The Politics of Myth in Phil Ochs' 'Crucifixion'". Journal of American Culture. 16 (4): 35–40. doi:10.1111/j.1542-734X.1993.00035.x., and "Tribute to Phil Ochs". Big Bridge. 9. Archived from the original on August 21, 2008. Retrieved January 28, 2009. Ochs, Sonny. "History of Phil Ochs Song Nights". SonnyOchs.com. Retrieved October 5, 2010. "Getty Images Acquires the Michael Ochs Archives". February 27, 2007. Archived from the original on July 11, 2011. Retrieved January 28, 2009. Cohen, David (December 4, 1997). "Phil Ochs: Pleasures of the Puzzle". Columbus Free Press. Retrieved January 28, 2009. Ochs, Phil (1968). Tape from California (LP). Phil Ochs. A&M. Ochs, Sonny. "Photo page". SonnyOchs.com. Retrieved April 23, 2009. "Alice Ochs Photography". Archived from the original on December 15, 2008. Retrieved January 28, 2009. "ALICE ELIZABETH OCHS Obituary". Marin Independent Journal. December 8, 2010. Retrieved January 20, 2011. Tackett, Travis (October 24, 2008). "Folk Alliance to honor Old Town School of Folk Music, Phil Ochs, Guy & Candie Carawan". BluegrassJournal.com. Archived from the original on February 19, 2012. Retrieved March 18, 2015. "Woody Guthrie Center to house artist Phil Ochs' work". Woody Guthrie Center. September 2014. Archived from the original on September 10, 2014. Retrieved September 9, 2014. Kozinn, Allan (September 5, 2014). "Phil Ochs Archives Go to Woody Guthrie Center". The New York Times. Retrieved September 9, 2014. Crandall, Alan (July 1998). "Scorched Earth". Perfect Sound Forever. Retrieved April 10, 2016. Healy, Barry (July 29, 1998). "What Phil Ochs Heard". Green Left Weekly. Retrieved April 10, 2016. Denselow, Robin (October 20, 2005). "Christy Moore, Burning Times". The Guardian. Retrieved April 10, 2016. Cohen (1999), pp. 273–294. Hornaday, Ann (April 30, 2010). "Movie Review: 'Soundtrack for a Revolution'". The Washington Post. Retrieved April 10, 2016. Eder, Bruce. "What's That I Hear?: The Songs of Phil Ochs". allmusic.com. Retrieved April 9, 2016. What's That I Hear?: The Songs of Phil Ochs (CD). Phil Ochs. Sliced Bread. 1998. Shimmer, Matt. "Poison Ochs: A Tribute to Phil Ochs". indieville.com. Retrieved April 8, 2016. "Learn: The Songs of Phil Ochs". allmusic.com. Retrieved January 28, 2009. J., David (2005). Learn: The Songs of Phil Ochs (CD). Kind Of Like Spitting. Hush. HSH052. Cohen (1999), p. 274. Greer, Evan. "Love Me, I'm a Liberal (2003)". Riot-Folk. Archived from the original on March 8, 2012. Retrieved March 18, 2015. Harvey, Ryan. "Cops of the World". Riot-Folk. Archived from the original on January 6, 2012. Retrieved March 18, 2015. Cohen (1999), p. 294. "Pearl Jam Tells Its 'Story' at VH1 Taping". Billboard. June 2, 2006. Retrieved April 10, 2016. Winters, Pamela (June 9, 2003). "Richard Thompson: Plunging the Knife in Deeper". Paste. Retrieved April 10, 2016. "New Jefferson Starship Album of Formative Folk Treasures: Jefferson's Tree of Liberty". Top40 Charts.com. August 8, 2008. Retrieved April 10, 2016. McDonough, Jimmy (2002). Shakey: Neil Young's Biography (Hardback ed.). Random House Canada. p. 137. ISBN 0-679-30940-3. Retrieved October 12, 2022. Duffy, Thom (September 23, 2013). "Farm Aid 2013: Pete Seeger Sings Out, Neil Young Speaks Up and Jack Johnson Cows Around". Billboard. Retrieved April 10, 2016. Neil Young – Changes (Live at Farm Aid 2013) on YouTube Chinen, Nate (January 8, 2014). "Familiar Yet Distant, With Songs and an Edge". The New York Times. Retrieved April 10, 2016. Wilonsky, Robert (April 18, 2014). "Neil Young gave his 'Heart' and 'Soul' Thursday, and some folks just gave him a hard time". The Dallas Morning News. Archived from the original on May 3, 2016. Retrieved April 10, 2016. Greene, Andy (April 18, 2014). "Neil Young's New Covers Album Available Right Now: Surprise!". Rolling Stone. Archived from the original on March 16, 2018. Retrieved April 10, 2016. Gerstenzang, Peter (August 4, 2016). "Richard Barone Breathes New Life Into the Golden Age of Village Folk". New York Observer. Retrieved July 4, 2018. Dyroff, Denny (June 17, 2017). "Barone Dives Into the Soul of 60's Village Artists". The Unionville Times. Retrieved July 4, 2018. "Richard Barone Concert Setlist at Mexicali Live, Teaneck on July 13, 2017". setlist.fm. Retrieved July 12, 2018. Ainscoe, Mike (January 16, 2020). "Martyn Joseph – Days Of Decision, A Tribute To Phil Ochs: Album Review". At The Barrier. Retrieved November 19, 2022. Cohen (1999), p. 296. Billy Bragg - The Internationale Album Reviews, Songs & More | AllMusic, retrieved June 3, 2023 Bragg, Billy. "I Dreamed I Saw Phil Ochs Last Night". BillyBragg.co.uk. Archived from the original on December 4, 2011. Retrieved January 20, 2012. Cooper, Peter; Todd Snider. "Thin Wild Mercury". Peter Cooper – The Official Site. Retrieved March 18, 2015. Cohen (1999), pp. 295–297. Swihart, Stanton. "Useful Music". allmusic.com. Retrieved February 1, 2009. Schnee, Stephen SPAZ. "Long Pig". allmusic.com. Retrieved February 1, 2009. Woodstra, Chris. "It Happened One Night". allmusic.com. Retrieved February 1, 2009. "The Popdose Guide to Nanci Griffith". Popdose. January 8, 2008. Retrieved April 9, 2018. "Broadside Balladeer". Vic Sadot Music. September 23, 2011. Archived from the original on May 24, 2014. Retrieved April 4, 2012. Cook, Stephen. "Skag Heaven". allmusic.com. Retrieved February 1, 2009. Hesitation Wounds, "P. Ochs (The Death of a Rebel)." Retrieved August 17, 2022. https://secretvoice.bandcamp.com/album/hesitation-wounds "Hear a New Song from Hardcore Supergroup, Hesitation Wounds". www.vice.com. March 23, 2016. Retrieved August 17, 2022. "In the Red". allmusic.com. Retrieved February 1, 2009. "A Tribute to Phil Ochs". Mother's Musical Bakery. Archived from the original on May 27, 2010. McPherson, James Alan (2003). "Foreword". In Breece D'J Pancake (ed.). The Stories of Breece D'J Pancake. Boston: Back Bay. p. 12. ISBN 978-0-316-71597-3. Penn, Sean (1986). A Toast to Those Who Are Gone (CD). Phil Ochs. Rhino. Kelly, Richard T. (2006). Sean Penn: His Life and Times. New York: Canongate U.S. p. xvii. ISBN 978-1-84195-739-5. Ochs, Meegan Lee (1997). "Foreword". Farewells & Fantasies (CD). Phil Ochs. Elektra. p. 3. R2 73518. Kreps, Daniel (February 6, 2009). "Sean Penn: The Story Behind the Story". Rolling Stone. Archived from the original on November 16, 2011. Retrieved April 4, 2012. Carroll, Jim (1978). The Basketball Diaries. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-024999-6. Dolan, Jon (June 9, 1999). "Entre Nous". City Pages. Archived from the original on April 12, 2009. Retrieved January 26, 2009. Lane, Zack (June 20, 2002). "Woosters Stories Offer Cure for All Things Depressing". Daily Nebraskan. Retrieved March 18, 2015. King, Stephen (1988). The Tommyknockers. New York: Signet. p. 80. ISBN 978-0-451-15660-0. King, Stephen (2001). Hearts in Atlantis. New York: Pocket Books. pp. 397–398, 401, 405, 407, 460, 511, 514, 516. ISBN 978-0-671-02424-6. Furst, Joshua (2019). Revolutionaries. New York: Penguin Random House. ISBN 9780307271143 "David Bowie's tribute to Bob Dylan on one of his final songs". February 3, 2022. Maslin, Janet (February 16, 1984). "Film: Phil Ochs, A Short Biography". The New York Times. Retrieved May 17, 2010. "Phil Ochs: There But for Fortune". Retrieved May 17, 2010. Baker, Bob (December 26, 2010). "Tracing the Arc of a Tragic Folk Singer". The New York Times. Retrieved December 26, 2010. Bell, Mark (September 1, 2010). "2010 Woodstock Film Festival Announces Lineup". Film Threat. Archived from the original on September 4, 2010. Retrieved September 1, 2010. "First Run Features: PHIL OCHS". First Run Features. Retrieved January 24, 2011. Rooney, David (January 2, 2011). "Phil Ochs: There But for Fortune – Film Review". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved January 24, 2011. Vozick-Levinson, Simon (December 10, 2010). "'Phil Ochs: There But for Fortune,' a great documentary about an underappreciated folk singer". Entertainment Weekly. Retrieved January 24, 2011. Burger, David (December 21, 2011). ""American Masters" to feature Phil Ochs and Cab Calloway in 2012". The Salt Lake Tribune. Retrieved January 20, 2012. "Phil Ochs: But There For Fortune – Watch the Full Documentary". PBS. January 24, 2012. Retrieved July 19, 2013. "Phil Solomon Visits San Andreas and Escapes, Not Unscathed". "The Chicago 8". IMDb. Farewells & Fantasies (CD). Phil Ochs. Elektra. 1997. p. 35. R2 73518. "What Is AFTRA?". American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. Archived from the original on May 28, 2007. Retrieved February 4, 2009. Ochs (1978), passim. General bibliography Blair, Eric (2007). Folk Singer for the FBI: The Phil Ochs FBI File. Morrisville, North Carolina: Lulu Press. Brend, Mark (2001). American Troubadours: Groundbreaking Singer-Songwriters of the 60s. San Francisco: Backbeat Books. ISBN 978-0-87930-641-0. Cohen, David (1999). Phil Ochs: A Bio-Bibliography. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-31029-4. Eliot, Marc (1979). Death of A Rebel: Starring Phil Ochs and a Small Circle of Friends. Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Press. ISBN 978-0-385-13610-5. Eliot, Marc (1989) [1979]. Death of a Rebel: A Biography of Phil Ochs. New York: Franklin Watts. ISBN 978-0-531-15111-2. Ochs, Phil (1964). Songs of Phil Ochs. New York: Appleseed Music. OCLC 41480512. Ochs, Phil (1968). The War Is Over. New York: Collier Books. OCLC 1384159. Ochs, Phil (1978). The Complete Phil Ochs. Hollywood, Calif.: Almo Publications. ISBN 978-0-89705-010-4. Schumacher, Michael (2018) [1996]. There But for Fortune: The Life of Phil Ochs. New York/Minneapolis: Hyperion/Univ of Minnesota Press. ISBN 978-1-5179-0354-1. Stanton, Scott (2003). The Tombstone Tourist: Musicians. New York: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-7434-6330-0. Thomas Alan Waits (born December 7, 1949) is an American musician, composer, songwriter, and actor. His lyrics often focus on the underbelly of society and are delivered in his trademark deep, gravelly voice. He began in the folk scene during the 1970s, but his music since the 1980s has reflected the influence of such diverse genres as rock, country, Delta blues, opera, vaudeville, cabaret, funk, hip hop and experimental techniques verging on industrial music.[1] Per The Wall Street Journal, Waits “has composed a body of work that’s at least comparable to any songwriter’s in pop today. A keen, sensitive and sympathetic chronicler of the adrift and downtrodden, Mr. Waits creates three-dimensional characters who, even in their confusion and despair, are capable of insight and startling points of view. Their stories are accompanied by music that’s unlike any other in pop history.”[2] Waits was born and raised in a middle-class family in Pomona, California. Inspired by the work of Bob Dylan and the Beat Generation, he began singing on the San Diego folk circuit. He relocated to Los Angeles in 1972, where he worked as a songwriter before signing a recording contract with Asylum Records. His first albums were the jazzy Closing Time (1973), The Heart of Saturday Night (1974) and Nighthawks at the Diner (1975), which reflected his lyrical interest in poverty, criminality and nightlife. He repeatedly toured the United States, Europe and Japan, and found greater critical and commercial success with Small Change (1976), Blue Valentine (1978) and Heartattack

More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ This thought-provoking video features Lloyd Dumas, a distinguished Political Economy professor at the University of Texas at Dallas, shedding light on the intricate workings of the U.S. economy. Dr. Dumas, acclaimed author of "The Overburdened Economy," dispels the notion of a robust Reagan-era recovery, arguing that the American economy has been in decline since the late 1960s, exacerbated by Reaganomics. In this insightful discussion, Dr. Dumas navigates through various economic facets, unveiling their political intricacies. He delves into the challenges of poverty, elucidating the struggles of the middle class to uphold their living standards. Moreover, he scrutinizes the deficit, exposing nuanced perspectives often overlooked by mainstream media. A pivotal focus of Dr. Dumas's analysis is the detrimental impact of the arms race on the economic well-being of the United States. By examining the relationships between these economic facets, he presents a comprehensive understanding of the country's economic landscape. Recorded in January 1986 as part of the "Special Report with John Stockwell," this discourse provides a critical perspective on economic issues that continue to resonate today. Accompanied by Jackson Browne's poignant anthem "Lives in the Balance," this presentation stands as a testament to the enduring relevance of economic challenges and their intricate ties to socio-political realities. Lloyd Jeff Dumas (born May 18, 1945) is a Professor of Political Economy, Economics, and Public Policy in the School of Economic, Political and Policy Sciences at the University of Texas at Dallas. Dumas' areas of focus include the economics of peace, economic conversion, the macroeconomics of military spending, climate change and economic solutions, human reliability pertaining to dangerous technologies, economic development and international economic consultancy accountability. Dumas has published more than 120 works in eleven languages in books and journals of economics, engineering, sociology, history, public policy, philosophy, military studies and peace science. He has been quoted as an authority by Time, Business Week, Science, Der Spiegel, Chicago Tribune, Christian Science Monitor, and the Washington Post (not an exhaustive list). Among his extensive publications are those found in newspapers/magazines including the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, International Herald Tribune, Boston Globe, Technology Review, Defense News, Dallas Morning News and the Baltimore Sun,[1] and the International Herald Tribune. Among numerous radio interviews, he has appeared more than once on KERA's (90.1 FM) think with Krys Boyd.[2] Biography Dumas was born in Yonkers, New York, on May 18, 1945. He studied at Lincoln High School in Yonkers and received his undergraduate degree and both graduate degrees from Columbia University. He received a B.A. in Mathematics in 1967, an M.S. in Industrial Engineering in 1968 and a Ph.D. in Economics in 1972. He taught economics at the City University of New York and industrial and management engineering at Columbia University prior to moving to Dallas, Texas, where he is on the faculty in the School of Economics, Political and Policy Science at UT-Dallas. Like his mentor, Seymour Melman, Professor Dumas has committed his career to studying the effects of military/defense spending on the economy. He has served on the boards of SANE (Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy) and Economists for Peace and Security.[3] Work Books His books include Lethal Arrogance: Human Fallibility and Dangerous Technologies (New York: St. Martin's Press/Palgrave Macmillan, December 1999);The Socio-Economics of Conversion: From War to Peace (New York: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1995); Making Peace Possible: The Promise of Economic Conversion (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1989);[4] and The Overburdened Economy: Uncovering the Causes of Chronic Unemployment, Inflation and National Decline (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986). Forthcoming books include The Peacekeeping Economy scheduled to be released in Winter of 2011 by Yale University Press. Public speaking Dumas has spoken at more than 250 conferences and special lectures since 1980, including symposia sponsored by the Sandia National Laboratories, the Los Alamos National Laboratory, the U.S. Department of State, the United Nations, the World Bank and the Russian Academy of Sciences (at that time, the "Soviet Academy of Sciences"), as well as professional meetings of economists, sociologists, political scientists, physicists, engineers, historians, physicians, management scientists, teachers, labor unions and members of Congress. He has addressed the United Nations, testified at city, state and federal government hearings, and discussed the policy implications of his work on more than 300 TV and radio programs in the U.S., former Soviet Union, Canada, Europe and the Pacific. From 1991–93, he was Vice Chair of the Governor's Taskforce on Economic Transition of the State of Texas.[5] Economic Impacts of the Department of Energy on the State of New Mexico He has analyzed the effects of federal government spending for "a Nuclear Watch of New Mexico project to evaluate the Department of Energy's (DOE) economic impact on the state of New Mexico" (p. 1).[6] University of New Mexico While on a one-semester sabbatical from UT-Dallas in Fall 1997, he held the Garrey Carruthers Distinguished Chair in the Honors Program at the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque.[7] While at UNM-Albuquerque, he gave numerous public talks and seminars for faculty. Other work Other areas of his work include accountability issues pertaining to the behavior of economic advisors in the arena of international economic development. Together with Janine Wedel, he organized and chaired the conference and working group "Building Accountability into International Economic Development Advising" in Pułtusk, Poland (September 21–24, 2003).[8] A related monograph, co-authored by Janine Wedel and Greg Callman, titled "Confronting Corruption, Building Accountability: Lessons From the World of International Development Advising" will be published by Palgrave in 2010.[9] Organizations with which Dumas has collaborated or for which he has made contributions include the Swedish Chapter of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (Swedish: Svenska Lakäre mot Kernvapen (SLMK)), Physicians for Social Responsibility, and Nuclear Watch of New Mexico. On more than one occasion Professor Dumas spoke at meetings organized by SLMK, for example, at meetings held in Moscow with the Russian Foreign Ministry, the Rosatom (Russian: Росатом)—at that time, the Ministry for Atomic Energy of the Russian Federation (Russian: Министерство по атомной энергии Российской Федерации), or MinAtom (МинАтом), and the Russian Duma (Russian Parliament).[10] His work has received noteworthy attention from notable persons such as Amitai Etzioni, Professor Kosta Tsipis of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the late Kenneth Boulding, John Kenneth Galbraith, Jan Tinbergen (Nobel Laureate in Economics), and Retired USN Rear Admiral Eugene J. Carroll, Jr. Etzioni was the Series Editor for the series "Studies in Socio-Economics", a culmination of research presented at the International Society for the Advancement of Socio-Economics. An edited book by Dumas, The Socio-Economics of Conversion from War to Peace was included in the series. (See Publications for a full citation for this book.) Of Dumas' contribution to macroeconomic theory, Kenneth Boulding wrote in the preface to Dumas' book, The Overburdened Economy, "This is a very important book. ... Lloyd Dumas has challenged one of the implicit assumptions of the Keynesian Revolution ... the assumption that all activity which is paid for must be productive. His questioning of this assumption may well set off a reorganization of the economic information system ... Dumas's work is a very valuable contribution to the coming transformation of economic thought" (p. xi). In praise of the same book (see blurbs or dust jacket), Galbraith wrote "This is a book of real substance by a scholar of high competence. ... I urge for it and for Professor Dumas the attention they both deserve." and Jan Tinbergen wrote "[The Overburdened Economy] throws much light on the problem of the deceleration of economic growth of both the USA and the Soviet Union." Publications Books The Peacekeeping Economy: Using economic relationships to build a more peaceful, prosperous, and secure world (Yale University Press, 2011).[11] The Technology Trap: Where human error and malevolence meet powerful technologies (Greenwood Press, 2010). Lethal Arrogance: Human Fallibility and Dangerous Technologies (New York: St. Martin's Press/Palgrave, December 1999) The Overburdened Economy: Uncovering the Causes of Chronic Unemployment, Inflation and National Decline, preface by Kenneth Boulding, former President of the American Economics Association. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986)[12] The Conservation Response: Strategies for the design and operation of energy-using systems, Lexington Books, 1976.[13] Edited volumes The Socio-Economics of Conversion: From War to Peace, preface by Amitai Etzioni, President, American Sociological Association (New York: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1995). Editor and contributor. Making Peace Possible: The Promise of Economic Conversion (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1989). Edited with Marek Thee; author of first and last chapters. References Archive of Sun articles This Nevada state website is an archive of articles published by the Sun. To locate Dumas' article titled "A powerful lesson" (Page 11A), search this webpage by date: Aug. 19, 2003. For example, you can access his interview "Turning Enemies Into Friends: Economics, Security, and Peace" on Aug. 8, 2008 [1]. Formerly called Economists Allied for Arms Reduction (ECAAR), p. 8 of the Dec. 1998 ECAAR newsletter lists board members [2]. The most current website is Webpage for Economists for Peace and Security. He is first editor and co-author. The preface was written by Sweden's Ambassador to Israel (1964–1966), Ambassador Inga Thorsson. Link to the Wikipedia Swedish webpage for Ambassador Thorsson sv:Inga Thorsson. Read more about Ambassador Thorsson in her obituary, 27 Jan., 1994, at The Independent People [3]. Texas Governor Ann Richard's Executive Order AWR 91-9 establishing the Governor's Taskforce on Economic Transition, [4]. Link to the official report: [5]. In economics, these calculations are performed using a "multiplier." See Multiplier (economics). UHP Garrey Carruthers Chair in Honors. [6]. For her work on corruption in Eastern Europe in her book, Collision and Conllusion: The Strange Case of Western Aid to Eastern Europe 1989–1998 (1st edition, New York: St. Martin's, 1998), Wedel won the Grawemeyer Award in 2001 This link hosted by Wedel provides a brief description of the accountability project and the forthcoming monograph: [7]. This statement appeared in a SLMK newsletter: Dialogue with Decision Makers: Together with Russian PPNW we have arranged meetings in Moscow from which we have just returned. We had meetings on the Human Factor issue with a number of high level [sic] specialist, with the speaker of the State Duma, with the minister of Minatom, and at the Foreign Ministry. Prof Lloyd Dumas and Dr Christina Lundius were interviewed during 1,5 hours by Prof Kapitza in [h]is scientific TV program on the question of the Human Factor and [d]angerous technologies like Nuclear weapons. [8] Review of The Peacekeeping Economy Reviews of The Overburdened Economy: JSTOR 2726044; JSTOR 20871715; JSTOR 1045746 Review of The Conservation Response: JSTOR 3103946

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Silent Coup is a book written by Len Colodny [1938 - 2021] and Robert Gettlin that proposed an alternate explanation for the Watergate scandal that led to the 1974 resignation of US President Richard Nixon. The first edition was published in 1991, followed by an expanded second edition in January 1992. The prevailing narrative is that Nixon and his high-ranking associates covered up a 1972 break-in at the Democratic National Committee (DNC) headquarters in the Watergate Hotel which had been undertaken to obtain information to be used against Nixon's political rivals.[third-party source needed] In contrast, Colodny and Gettlin contend that former White House counsel John Dean orchestrated the 1972 Watergate burglary. His motive was argued to have been to protect his future wife Maureen Biner by removing information linking her to a call-girl ring that worked for the DNC. The authors also lay out a case that Nixon's Chief of Staff Alexander Haig was the identity of "Deep Throat", the nickname for an important and then-unidentified source for reporter Bob Woodward. Woodward, a Naval officer before becoming a reporter, had briefed Haig at the White House in 1969 and 1970 and the authors suggest that Haig was a source for the reporters.[third-party source needed] In 2005 it was revealed that FBI deputy director Mark Felt was the "Deep Throat" informant who had become Woodward's key source after his partner Carl Bernstein was able to locate hush money paid to the DNC burglars in Miami, Florida.[1] Lawsuits Further information: John Dean § Life after Watergate In 1992 John and Maureen Dean sued Nixon "plumber" G. Gordon Liddy for libel, after Liddy sought to support the core claims in Silent Coup. Liddy's testimony was the first time he spoke publicly in detail about the Watergate break-in, as he had refused to cooperate with investigators during the Watergate scandal. The libel case was dismissed without prejudice and was later refiled. In 2001 a federal judge declared a mistrial after the jury was deadlocked, and dismissed the $5.1 million defamation lawsuit.[2] The Deans also sued St. Martin's Press, publisher of Silent Coup. St. Martin's settled the case for an undisclosed sum.[2] Len Colodny also settled with John Dean, and explained that “Dean agreed to accept a settlement and sign an agreement not to sue the author again on the same grounds because he wanted to avoid a public courtroom drama.”[3] Although, “Colodny said he wanted the court to hear the case because he was confident that a public trial would validate his reporting.”[3] For his part, Dean has gone on record in the preface to his 2006 book, Conservatives Without Conscience, that he is "pleased" with the outcome.[4] In 2001, former DNC secretary Ida Wells sued Liddy in the U. S. Federal District Court in Baltimore on bases similar to those used by Dean. The court declared a mistrial, with judge J. Frederick Motz stating no "reasonable jury" could find in Wells’ favor.[5] References "The Watergate Story | The Post Investigates". The Washington Post. Retrieved 2022-04-16. "Liddy Case Dismissed Jury Unable To Reach A Verdict After Deliberating 8 Hours". CBS News. February 1, 2001. "Dean Settling Watergate Suit". AP NEWS. Retrieved 2020-07-08. Dean, John (2006). Conservatives Without Conscience. Viking Penguin. ISBN 9780143058779. Civil Case No. JFM-97-946, "Memorandum" by District Judge J. Frederick Motz, March 19, 2001, U.S. District Court for the District of Maryland. External links Silent Coup website Silent Coup online book Booknotes interview with Colodny and Gettlin on Silent Coup, August 11, 1991 Deep Throat is the pseudonym given to the secret informant who provided information in 1972 to Bob Woodward, who shared it with Carl Bernstein. Woodward and Bernstein were reporters for The Washington Post, and Deep Throat provided key details about the involvement of U.S. president Richard Nixon's administration in what came to be known as the Watergate scandal. In 2005, 31 years after Nixon's resignation and 11 years after Nixon's death, a family attorney stated that former Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Associate Director Mark Felt was Deep Throat. By then, Felt was suffering from dementia and had previously denied being Deep Throat, but Woodward and Bernstein then confirmed the attorney's claim. Background Deep Throat was first introduced to the public in the February 1974 book All the President's Men by The Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein. According to the authors, Deep Throat was a key source of information behind a series of articles that introduced the misdeeds of the Nixon administration to the general public. The scandal eventually led to the resignation of President Nixon, as well as to prison terms for White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman, G. Gordon Liddy, Egil Krogh, White House Counsel Charles Colson, former United States Attorney General John N. Mitchell, former White House Counsel John Dean, and presidential adviser John Ehrlichman. The film based on the book was released two years later; nominated for eight Academy Awards, it won four. Howard Simons was the managing editor of the Post during Watergate. He dubbed the secret informant "Deep Throat", alluding to both the deep background status of his information and the widely publicized 1972 pornographic film Deep Throat.[1] For more than 30 years, Deep Throat's identity was one of the biggest mysteries of American politics and journalism and the source of much public curiosity and speculation. Woodward and Bernstein insisted that they would not reveal his identity until he died or consented to reveal it. J. Anthony Lukas speculated that Deep Throat was W. Mark Felt in his book Nightmare: The Underside of the Nixon Years (1976), based on three New York Times Sunday Magazine articles, but he was widely criticized. According to an article in Slate on April 28, 2003, Woodward had denied that Deep Throat was part of the "intelligence community" in a 1989 Playboy interview with Lukas.[2] On May 31, 2005, Vanity Fair revealed that Felt was Deep Throat in an article on its website by John D. O'Connor, an attorney acting on Felt's behalf. Felt reportedly said, "I'm the guy they used to call Deep Throat." After the Vanity Fair story broke, Woodward, Bernstein, and Benjamin C. Bradlee, the Post's executive editor during Watergate, confirmed Felt's identity as Deep Throat.[3] L. Patrick Gray, former acting Director of the FBI and Felt's overseer, disputed Felt's claim in his book In Nixon's Web, co-written with his son Ed. Gray and others have argued that Deep Throat was a compilation of sources characterized as one person to improve sales of the book and movie. Woodward and Bernstein, however, defended Felt's claims and detailed their relationship with him in Woodward's book The Secret Man: The Story of Watergate's Deep Throat. Role in the Watergate scandal Main article: Watergate scandal Watergate scandal The Watergate complex in 2006 Events List People Watergate burglars Groups CRP White House Judiciary Journalists Intelligence community Mark Felt ("Deep Throat") L. Patrick Gray Richard Helms James R. Schlesinger Congress Related vte On June 17, 1972, police arrested five men inside the offices of the Democratic National Committee in the Watergate Complex in Washington, D.C. In their possession were $2,300 (equivalent to $16,100 today), plastic gloves to hide fingerprints, burglary tools, a walkie-talkie and radio scanner capable of listening to police frequencies, cameras with 40 rolls of film, tear gas guns, multiple electronic devices which they intended to plant in the Democratic Committee offices, and notebooks containing the telephone number of White House official E. Howard Hunt. One of the men was James W. McCord Jr.;[4] a former Central Intelligence Agency employee and a security man for Nixon's Committee for the Re-Election of the President, later notoriously mocked with the acronym "CREEP". Washington Post reporters Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward pursued the story for two years. The scandal eventually implicated many members of Nixon's White House, culminating in Nixon becoming the first United States president to resign. Woodward and Bernstein wrote in All the President's Men that key information in their investigation had come from an anonymous informant whom they dubbed "Deep Throat". Methods of communication Woodward, in All the President's Men, first mentions "Deep Throat" on page 71. Earlier in the book, he reports calling "an old friend and sometimes source who worked for the federal government and did not like to be called at his office". Later, he describes him as "a source in the Executive Branch who had access to information at CRP as well as at the White House". The book also calls him "an incurable gossip" and states "in a unique position to observe the Executive Branch", and as a man "whose fight had been worn out in too many battles". Photo of a grey historical marker titled "Watergate Investigation" on the sidewalk beside a small urban street with a parking garage door visible on the right behind the sign. The marker reads: "Mark Felt, second in command at the FBI, met Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward here in this parking garage to discuss the Watergate scandal. Felt provided Woodward information that expose the Nixon Administration’s obstruction of the FBI’s Watergate investigation. He chose this garage as an anonymous secure location. They met at this garage six times between October 1972 and November 1973. The Watergate scandal resulted in President Nixon’s resignation in 1974. Woodward’s managing editor, Howard Simons, gave Felt the code name ‘Deep Throat’. Woodward’s promise not to reveal his source was kept until Felt announced his role as Deep Throat in 2005. Erected in 2008 by Arlington County, Virginia.” Historical marker in front of the parking garage in Rosslyn, Virginia, where Woodward and Felt met during the Washington Post's Watergate scandal investigation Woodward claimed that he would signal to "Deep Throat" that he desired a meeting by moving a flowerpot with a red flag on the balcony of his apartment. When "Deep Throat" wanted a meeting, he would make special marks on page 20 of Woodward's copy of The New York Times; he would circle the page number and draw clock hands to indicate the hour. They often met "on the bottom level of an underground garage just over the Key Bridge in Rosslyn", at 2:00 a.m. The garage is located at 1401 Wilson Boulevard and has a historical marker that was erected in 2011. In 2014, the garage was scheduled to be demolished, though the county decided to save the historical marker, and the landowner promised to design a memorial commemorating the Watergate scandal.[5] As of 2023, the garage had not been demolished.[6] Many were skeptical of these cloak and dagger methods. Adrian Havill investigated these claims for his 1993 biography of Woodward and Bernstein and found them to be factually impossible. He noted that Woodward's apartment 617 at 1718 P Street, Northwest, in Washington faced an interior courtyard and was not visible from the street. Havill said that anyone regularly checking the balcony, as "Deep Throat" was said to have done daily, would have been spotted. Havill also said that copies of The New York Times were not delivered to individual apartments but delivered in an unaddressed stack to the building's reception desk. There would have been no way to know which copy was intended for Woodward. Woodward, however, has stated that in the early 1970s the interior courtyard was an alleyway and had not yet been bricked off and that his balcony was visible from street level to passing pedestrians. It was also visible, Woodward conjectured, to anyone from the FBI in surveillance of nearby embassies. Also revealed was the fact that Woodward's copy of The New York Times had his apartment number indicated on it. Former neighbor Herman Knippenberg stated that Woodward would sometimes come to his door looking for his marked copy of the Times, claiming, "I like to have it in mint condition and I like to have my own copy."[7] Further, while Woodward stressed these precautions in his book, he also admits to having called "Deep Throat" on the telephone at his home. Felt's wife recalls answering Woodward's telephone calls for Felt.[8] Controversy over motives In public statements following the disclosure of his identity, Felt's family called him an "American hero", stating that he leaked information about the Watergate scandal to The Washington Post for moral and patriotic reasons. Other commentators, however, have speculated that Felt may have had more personal reasons for leaking information to Woodward. In his book The Secret Man, Woodward describes Felt as a loyalist to and admirer of J. Edgar Hoover. After Hoover's death, Felt became angry and disgusted when L. Patrick Gray, a career naval officer and lawyer from the Civil Division of the Department of Justice, had no law enforcement experience and was appointed as Director of the FBI over Felt, a 30-year veteran of the FBI. Felt was particularly unhappy with Gray's management style at the FBI, which was markedly different from Hoover's. Felt aided Woodward and Bernstein because he knew Woodward personally, having met him years before when Woodward was in the navy. Over the course of their acquaintance, Woodward would often call Felt for advice. Instead of seeking out prosecutors at the Justice Department, or the House Judiciary Committee charged with investigating presidential wrongdoing, Felt was methodically solicited by Woodward to guide their investigation while keeping his own identity and involvement safely concealed. Some conservatives who worked for Nixon, such as Pat Buchanan and G. Gordon Liddy, castigated Felt and asserted their belief that Nixon was unfairly hounded from office,[9] often claiming it a "witch hunt".[10] Speculation concerning Mark Felt This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "Deep Throat" Watergate – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (January 2020) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Speculation within the White House Although Deep Throat's identity was unconfirmed for over 30 years, there were suspicions that Felt was indeed the reporters' mysterious source long before the public acknowledgment in 2005. In 2012's Leak: Why Mark Felt Became Deep Throat, Max Holland reports that Felt leaked information to The Washington Post and Time. While the Post reporters did not reveal their source, Time correspondent Sandy Smith told Time's lawyer, Roswell Gilpatric, a partner of Cravath, Swaine & Moore.[11] Gilpatric then passed the information to Henry E. Peterson, the Assistant Attorney General in the Department of Criminal Justice. In turn, Peterson revealed the information to White House Counsel John W. Dean,[12] who finally reported it to President Richard Nixon.[11] Nixon did not publicly acknowledge learning Deep Throat's identity. Nixon claimed that if he had done so, Felt would have publicly revealed information that would damage the FBI, as well as other powerful people and institutions. In the "smoking gun" tape, Nixon's chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman, stated that Felt "knows everything there is to know in the FBI."[13] Haldeman implied that Nixon's motives for not outing Felt were not entirely altruistic, especially because Nixon himself may have been damaged by Felt's revelations. Speculation in the press and the public It had previously been revealed publicly that Deep Throat was definitely a man.[citation needed] Using this and other widespread clues, real or perceived, some members of the press and the public came to suspect Felt of being Deep Throat. For instance, George V. Higgins wrote in 1975: "Mark Felt knows more reporters than most reporters do, and there are some who think he had a Washington Post alias borrowed from a dirty movie."[14] However, Woodward and Bernstein were tight-lipped concerning their informant's identity. Before Felt was revealed to be Deep Throat, only Woodward, Bernstein, Elsa Walsh and Ben Bradlee knew of his identity.[15] Writer Nora Ephron became obsessed with figuring out the secret of Deep Throat's identity and eventually correctly concluded that he was Mark Felt.[16] In 1999, a 19-year-old college student, Chase Culeman-Beckman, claimed that Bernstein's son, Jacob, told him Mark Felt was Deep Throat. According to Culeman-Beckman, Jacob Bernstein had said that he was, "100 percent sure that Deep Throat was Mark Felt. He's someone in the FBI."[17] Jacob reportedly made this claim approximately 11 years prior, when he and Culeman-Beckman were classmates. Ephron explained that Jacob overheard her "speculations"; Carl Bernstein himself also immediately stepped forward to reject the claim, as he and Woodward did for many others.[17] James Mann, who had worked at the Post at the time of Watergate scandal and was close to the investigation, brought a great deal of evidence together in a 1992 article in The Atlantic Monthly.[18] Mann recalled that before the Watergate scandal, Woodward had made references to a high-placed source he had in the FBI. Mann argued that the information that Deep Throat gave Woodward could only have come from FBI files. Felt was also embittered at having been passed over for director of the FBI and believed that the FBI, in general, was hostile to the Nixon administration. In previous unrelated articles, Woodward made clear he had a highly placed source at the FBI, and there is some evidence he was friends with Felt.[19] Woodward kept in close touch with Felt over the years, even showing up unexpectedly at the house where he was staying with his daughter, Joan, in Santa Rosa, California in 1999 after Felt's dementia began. Some suspected at that time that Woodward might have asked Felt to reveal his identity, though Felt, when asked directly by others, had consistently denied being Deep Throat. In 2002, Timothy Noah called Felt "the best guess going about the identity of Deep Throat".[20] In 1976, Assistant Attorney General John Stanley Pottinger had convened a grand jury to investigate a series of potentially illegal break-ins Felt authorized against various dissident groups. Felt was testifying before the jury when a juror asked him, out of the blue, "Were you Deep Throat?"[21] Pottinger reports that Felt, "went white with fear".[21] Pottinger explained to Felt that he was under oath and would have to answer truthfully. However, since Pottinger felt the question was outside the purview of the investigation, he offered to withdraw it if Felt wished. Author Ronald Kessler interviews W. Mark Felt According to author Ronald Kessler's book The Bureau: The Secret History of the FBI, Felt's daughter Joan, who was caring for her father, told Kessler in an interview for his book in August 2001 that back in the summer of 1999, Woodward showed up unexpectedly at their Santa Rosa home and took Felt to lunch.[22] Joan told Kessler that she recalled her father greeting Woodward like an old friend. Their meeting appeared to be more of a celebration than an interview. "Woodward just showed up at the door and said he was in the area," Joan Felt was quoted as saying in Kessler's book, which was published in 2002. "He came in a white limousine, which parked at a schoolyard about ten blocks away. He walked to the house. He asked if it was okay to have a martini with my father at lunch, and I said it would be fine."[22] External videos video icon Presentation by Kessler on The Bureau: The Secret History of the FBI, June 5, 2002, C-SPAN Kessler said in his book that while Felt denied to him that he was Deep Throat, the measures Woodward took to conceal his meeting with Felt lent "credence" to the notion that Felt was Deep Throat. Woodward confirmed that Felt was Deep Throat in 2005. "There are plenty of people claiming they knew Deep Throat was actually former FBI man Mark Felt ..." the New York Post reported. "On May 3, 2002, PAGE SIX reported that Ronald Kessler, author of The Bureau: The Secret History of the FBI, says that all the evidence points to former top FBI official W. Mark Felt."[23] In February 2005, Nixon's former White House Counsel, news columnist John Dean, reported that Woodward had recently informed Bradlee that "Deep Throat" was ailing and Bradlee had written Deep Throat's obituary. Both Woodward and the then-current editor of The Washington Post, Leonard Downie, denied these claims. Felt was a suspect for Deep Throat, especially after the mysterious meeting that occurred between Woodward and Felt in the summer of 1999. But others had received more attention over the years, such as Pat Buchanan, Henry Kissinger, then-Associate Justice William Rehnquist, General Alexander Haig, and, before "Deep Throat" was confirmed a man, Diane Sawyer. Felt's confirmation of his identity On May 31, 2005, Vanity Fair reported that Felt, then aged 91, claimed to be the man once known as "Deep Throat".[24] Later that day, Woodward, Bernstein, and Bradlee released a statement through The Washington Post confirming that the story was true. On June 2, 2005, The Washington Post ran a lengthy front-page column by Woodward in which he detailed his friendship with Felt in the years before Watergate.[25] Woodward wrote that he first met Felt by chance in 1970 when Woodward was a Navy lieutenant in his mid-20s. Woodward was dispatched to deliver a package to the White House's West Wing. Felt arrived soon after for a separate appointment and sat next to Woodward in the waiting room. Woodward struck up a conversation and eventually learned of Felt's position in the upper echelon of the FBI. Woodward, who was about to exit the Navy at the time and was unsure about his future direction in life, became determined to use Felt as a mentor and career advisor. Therefore, he asked for Felt's phone number and kept in touch with him. After deciding to try a career as a reporter, Woodward eventually joined The Washington Post in August 1971. Felt, who had long had a dim view of the Nixon administration, began passing pieces of information to Woodward, although he insisted that Woodward keep the FBI and Justice Department out of anything he wrote based on the information. The first time Woodward used information from Felt in a Washington Post story was in mid-May 1972, a month before the Watergate burglary, when Woodward was reporting on Arthur Bremer, who had attempted to assassinate presidential candidate George C. Wallace. Nixon had put Felt in charge of investigating the would-be assassin. A month later, just days after the Watergate break-in, Woodward called Felt at his office, which marked the first time Woodward spoke with Felt about Watergate. Commenting on Felt's motivations for serving as Deep Throat, Woodward wrote, "Felt believed he was protecting the bureau by finding a way, clandestine as it was, to push some of the information from the FBI interviews and files out to the public, to help build public and political pressure to make Nixon and his people answerable. He had nothing but contempt for the Nixon White House and their efforts to manipulate the Bureau for political reasons."[25] Composite character theory Prior to Felt's revelation and Woodward's confirmation, part of the reason historians and other scholars had so much difficulty in identifying the real Deep Throat is that no single person seemed to truly fit the character described in All the President's Men. This had caused some scholars and commentators to come to the conclusion that Deep Throat could not possibly be a single person, and must be a composite of several sources. Woodward and Bernstein consistently denied the theory.[26] From a literary business perspective, this theory was further supported by David Obst, the agent who originally marketed the draft for All the President's Men, who stated that the initial typescript of the book contained no reference to Deep Throat.[26] Obst believed that Deep Throat was invented by Woodward and Bernstein for dramatic purposes.[26] It also led to speculation that the authors condensed history.[26] Ed Gray, the son of L. Patrick Gray III, stated in In Nixon's Web: A Year in the Crosshairs of Watergate that his examination of Woodward's interview notes pertaining to Deep Throat at the Harry Ransom Center at the University of Texas at Austin provided "convincing evidence that 'Deep Throat' was indeed a fabrication".[27] According to Gray, the file contained notes regarding four interviews that were attributed to either Felt, "X", or "my friend", and a fifth interview dated March 24, 1973, that was unattributed.[27] He said he discovered that he had already seen the paper in 2006 after Woodward released interview files with people who were not Deep Throat.[27] Gray wrote that he contacted Stephen Mielke, the archivist who oversees the Woodward-Bernstein collection at the University of Texas, who said that a carbon copy of the paper contained a note in Woodward's handwriting attributing the interview to Donald Santarelli, an official with the Department of Justice during the Watergate era.[27] Gray wrote that he contacted Santarelli who confirmed that the March 24 meeting was with him.[27] Other interview notes attributed to "X" were interpreted by Gray as containing content that could not have been known by Felt.[27] Regarding Gray's allegations, Woodward wrote that the March 24 notes were obviously not from an interview with Felt because Felt is referred to by name twice in quotes from the source and that he never stated or wrote that he met with Deep Throat on that date.[28] According to Woodward, Mielke said the page was likely misfiled under Felt due to a lack of source.[28] Other suspected candidates Fred Fielding Another leading candidate was White House Associate Counsel Fred F. Fielding. In April 2003 Fielding was presented as a potential candidate as a result of a detailed review of source material by William Gaines and his journalism students, as part of a class at the University of Illinois journalism school.[29][30] Fielding was the assistant to John Dean and as such had access to the files relating to the affair. Gaines believed that statements by Woodward ruled out Deep Throat's being in the FBI and that Deep Throat often had information before the FBI did. H. R. Haldeman himself suspected Fielding as being Deep Throat. Dean had been one of the most dedicated hunters of Deep Throat. Both he and Leonard Garment dismissed Fielding as a possibility, reporting that he had been cleared by Woodward in 1980 when Fielding was applying for an important position in the Reagan administration. However, this assertion, which comes from Fielding, has not been corroborated. One reason that many experts believed that Deep Throat was Fielding and not Felt was due to Woodward's apparent denial in an interview that Deep Throat worked in the intelligence community: LUKAS: Do you resent the implication by some critics that your sources on Watergate – among them the fabled Deep Throat – may have been people in the intelligence community? WOODWARD: I resent it because it's untrue.[31] Other credible candidates Any candidate who died before the Felt admission ceased to fit Woodward's criteria at that time since Woodward had stated that he was free to reveal Deep Throat's identity once the person had died. John Ehrlichman: Nixon advisor. Died in 1999. Ron Ziegler: press secretary. Died in 2003. William E. Colby: head of the CIA. Died in 1996. Charles W. Bates: FBI executive whom Mann mentioned but considered less likely than Felt. William C. Sullivan: former head of the FBI intelligence operations, fired by J. Edgar Hoover in 1971. Died in 1977. L. Patrick Gray: acting FBI director who lived only four blocks away from Woodward, accused by a CBS documentary. Died in 2005. Robert Kunkel: FBI Washington Bureau Chief whom Mann considered less likely than Felt, as he moved to St. Louis partway through the investigation. Cord Meyer: CIA agent suggested in Mark Riebling's Wedge: The Secret War between the FBI and CIA.[32] However, Woodward stated that Deep Throat was not part of the intelligence community. Died in 2001. Raymond Price: Nixon speechwriter. Secret Service technicians: Richard Cohen argued it was whoever in the Secret Service maintained Nixon's secret taping devices. Richard Ober, the chief of the CIA's domestic spying program called Operation CHAOS.[33] Less credible candidates William Rehnquist: He had a position in the Department of Justice early in the Nixon administration, working for Attorney General John N. Mitchell. More than five months before the Watergate break-in, he was appointed as the Associate Justice of the Supreme Court and it would have been almost impossible for him to have had access to much of the information attributed to Deep Throat. In February 2005, Dean reported that Deep Throat was ailing, and Rehnquist, now the Chief Justice, was known to be suffering from cancer, which caused his death later that year. The report caused a resurgence of speculation that Rehnquist was Deep Throat. However, Woodward later stated that the notion that Deep Throat was ailing had been a misunderstanding. Henry Kissinger: Nixon's National Security Advisor and Secretary of State, was out of the country on some of the dates Woodward reported to have met with Deep Throat. George H. W. Bush: In 1972, Bush was the United States Ambassador to the United Nations. He was nominated in February 2005 by Adrian Havill – author of a 1993 biography of Woodward and Bernstein, Deep Truth (ISBN 1-55972-172-3) – following the unveiling of Woodward's notes at the University of Texas. Havill had argued in his biography that Deep Throat was a composite figure, but stated in a letter to Poynter Online that based on more recent events and research, he now believed Deep Throat was George H. W. Bush. General Alexander Haig: Authors Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin speculated in their 1991 book Silent Coup: The Removal of a President that Haig may have been Deep Throat. Haig died in 2010. Diane Sawyer: She was hired by White House press secretary Ron Ziegler to serve in the Nixon administration. On his deathbed, Nixon supporter Baruch Korff wrongly claimed that Sawyer was Deep Throat. Ben Stein: A Nixon speechwriter and the son of Nixon economic advisor Herbert Stein; later an actor, political commentator, and game show host. Gerald Ford: Suggestion that Ford may have been Deep Throat as he was next in line for the presidency, although in 1972 he was still the House Minority Leader and yet to become vice president. Pat Buchanan: Served as special assistant to the president, was nominated as a potential candidate by Dean in his June 2002 book Unmasking Deep Throat. Buchanan repeatedly denied the claim, stating in a Time magazine article on the 30th anniversary of the Watergate break-in that "The last time I cooperated with The Washington Post...was in 1952, when I was a paperboy delivering the damn thing in Northwest Washington." Buchanan's personal theories involved a composite Deep Throat. Richard Nixon himself: There was some suggestion that Nixon had used back-channels to communicate with Woodward in a bizarre attempt to showcase his persecution by the media, which backfired. This theory was largely discredited. J. Fred Buzhardt: White House counsel to President Nixon. G. Gordon Liddy: Member of the White House Plumbers. Largely dismissed. In popular culture Hal Holbrook portrayed Deep Throat in the film adaptation of All the President's Men (1976), in which he uttered the catchphrase, "Follow the money" (which was not referred to in the book). In the video game Metal Gear Solid (1998) the character Grey Fox uses the codename "Deepthroat" in reference to Watergate to provide advice to the main character Solid Snake. In the comedy film Dick (1999), Deep Throat is revealed as being two teenage Washingtonian girls who worked as Nixon's dog walkers. In the spy thriller film Mark Felt: The Man Who Brought Down the White House (2017), Liam Neeson portrays Mark Felt. In the coming-of-age supernatural comedy horror television series Wednesday (2022), Episode 6, Jenna Ortega portrays the character Wednesday Addams and makes the remark "Seems like our wannabe Deep Throat is already here."[34] In the comedy film Dazed and Confused, Mike and Tony are jokingly referred to as “Woodward and Bernstein”, prompting Mike to retort “I guess that makes you Deep Throat”. In The X-Files, Fox Mulder uses some of the same techniques as Woodward to communicate with a government informant nicknamed "Deep Throat". It is left unclear if this character is supposed to be the same as the Watergate informant. References McDermott, Annette (May 10, 2018). "How 'Deep Throat' Took Down Nixon From Inside the FBI". History.com. Archived from the original on December 6, 2020. Retrieved January 24, 2021. Noah, Timothy. "Was Fred Fielding Deep Throat?", Slate, April 28, 2003. Woodward, Bob. The Secret Man: The Story of Watergate's Deep Throat, Simon & Schuster, 2005. ISBN 0-7432-8715-0 Langer, Emily; Smith, Harrison; Morgan, Kate. "Watergate conspirator James McCord Jr. died two years ago. His death was never announced" – via www.washingtonpost.com. "'Deep Throat' garage from U.S. Watergate scandal to be razed". Reuters. 15 June 2014. Retrieved 16 June 2014. Massimo, Rick (2023-06-02). "Time Could Be Up for Rosslyn's 'Deep Throat' Parking Garage". Northern Virginia Magazine. Retrieved 2023-06-14. "New Zealand man's Deep Throat mystery solved". The New Zealand Herald. June 3, 2005. Archived from the original on April 10, 2005. Retrieved September 27, 2011. O'Connor, John (17 October 2006). "'I'm the Guy They Called Deep Throat'". Vanity Fair. Archived from the original on 17 September 2020. Retrieved 17 September 2020. Morgan, Dan (June 1, 2005). "Contemporaries Have Mixed Views", The Washington Post, May 31, 2005. "1973-07-22 – Witch Hunt". The Los Angeles Times. July 22, 1973. p. 19 – via newspapers.com. Max Holland (2012). Leak: Why Mark Felt Became Deep Throat. Univ Pr of Kansas. p. 119. ISBN 978-0700618293. Michael Dobbs (June 27, 2005). "Revenge Was Felt's Motive, Former Acting FBI Chief Says". Washington Post. Neikirk, William; Dorning, Mike (2 June 2005). "President Called Felt a 'Traitor' in '73". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved 24 January 2020. George V. Higgins (1975), The Friends of Richard Nixon, 1976 reprint, New York: Ballantine, Ch. 14, p. 147, ISBN 978-0-345-25226-5. "Woodward and Bernstein on Imus". NBC News. June 2, 2005. Archived from the original on December 2, 2022. Retrieved 2022-12-03. Ephron, Nora (May 9, 2010). "Deep Throat and Me: Now It Can Be Told and Not for the First Time Either". Huffington Post. Archived from the original on June 3, 2005. Daley, David (28 July 1999). "Deep Throat". The Hartford Courant. Retrieved 24 January 2020. Mann, James. "Deep Throat: An Institutional Analysis", The Atlantic Monthly, May 1992. Guardian Staff (2005-06-03). "Bob Woodward who exposed Watergate scandal reveals story of friendship that brought down US president". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 2020-04-10. Noah, Timothy. "Why Did Bob Woodward Lunch With Mark Felt in 1999?", Slate, May 2, 2002. Woodward, Bob (2012). The Secret Man: The Story of Watergate's Deep Throat. p. 133. ISBN 978-1-4711-0470-1. OCLC 958065472. Kessler, Ronald (2016). The Bureau: The Secret History of the FBI. St. Martin's Press. p. 201. ISBN 978-1250111265. New York Post, June 3, 2005 O'Connor, John D. (May 31, 2005). "I'm the Guy They Called Deep Throat". VanityFair.com. Retrieved November 28, 2008. Woodward, Bob (June 2, 2005). "How Mark Felt Became 'Deep Throat'". The Washington Post. Retrieved November 28, 2008. Greenberg, David (June 1, 2005). "Throat Clearing; Watergate conspiracy theories that still won't die". Slate. Retrieved July 21, 2014. Gray III, L. Patrick; Gray, Ed (2008). "The Watergate Books: Fact and Fiction" (PDF). In Nixon's Web: A Year in the Crosshairs of Watergate. New York: Times Books. pp. 291–300. ISBN 9780805089189. Woodward, Bob. "Full Biography". bobwoodward.com. Bob Woodward. Retrieved July 24, 2014. Deep Throat: Uncovered (archived), Department of Journalism, University of Illinois Who Was Deep Throat?, Smithsonian Magazine, December 2003 Noah, Timothy. "Deep Throat, Antihero: His unmasking makes everybody look a little less noble", Slate, May 31, 2005. Quote from Playboy interview, 1979. Wedge: From Pearl Harbor to 9/11 – How the Secret War between the FBI and CIA Has Endangered National Security, (2002) Touchstone ISBN 0-7432-4599-7[page needed] Deborah Davis (1987)[1979]. Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and the Washington Post. Sheridan Square Press. p. xiii. ISBN 0-941781-14-3. "Quid Pro Woe". Wednesday. Episode 6. 23 November 2022. Netflix. External links Ann Coulter (June 8, 2005), "Woodward does Washington". "In the Prelude to Publication, Intrigue Worthy of Deep Throat", a June 2, 2005 article from The New York Times Special Reports page on Deep Throat from The Washington Post Former FBI agent says 3 FBI officials helped W. Mark Felt leak information about Watergate probe to the press, a June 5, 2005 article from the Albany Times-Union vte Federal Bureau of Investigation Field offices Atlanta Buffalo Cincinnati Cleveland Tampa Organization Criminal, Cyber, Response, and Services Branch Criminal Investigative Division Critical Incident Response Group National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime Behavioral Analysis Unit Child Abduction and Serial Murder Investigative Resources Center Violent Criminal Apprehension Program Hostage Rescue Team Crisis Negotiation Unit Special Weapons and Tactics Teams Hazardous Devices School Cyber Division Human Resources Branch Academy Behavioral Science Unit National Academy FBI Police National Security Branch Counterintelligence Division Counterterrorism Division Communications Exploitation Section High-Value Detainee Interrogation Group Terrorist Screening Center Weapons of Mass Destruction Directorate Science and Technology Branch Criminal Justice Information Services Division National Crime Information Center Laboratory Division Other branches Information and Technology Branch Intelligence Branch Technology Airtel Bureaupedia Carnivore Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) Computer and Internet Protocol Address Verifier Integrated Automated Fingerprint Identification System (IAFIS) Law Enforcement National Data Exchange (N-DEx) National Incident-Based Reporting System Ranks Director Deputy Director Special agent Methods and activities Abscam Bridgman Convention COINTELPRO FBI method of profiling Rod Blagojevich corruption charges FBI files on Michael Jackson FBI files on Elvis Presley FBI Miami shootout FBI search of Mar-a-Lago FBI Silvermaster File FBI Special Advisor Program FBI Victims Identification Project Guardian High-Value Interrogation Group Joint Terrorism Task Force Lindbergh kidnapping Ruby Ridge Special Intelligence Service U.S. v. Scheinberg et al. (10 Cr. 336) Waco siege People Harry "Skip" Brandon Delf A. 'Jelly' Bryce Sibel Edmonds Mark Felt "Deep Throat" Helen Gandy Joseph L. Gormley Wesley Grapp J. Edgar Hoover David Icove Peter Strzok Clyde Tolson Joseph D. Pistone Buildings FBI Headquarters Related FBI portrayal in media G-Man Junior G-Men FBI–Apple encryption dispute FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin Other Hogan's Alley

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ The Viet Cong was an epithet to call the communist movement and united front organization in South Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. Formally organized as and led by the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam,[nb 2] it fought under the direction of North Vietnam against the South Vietnamese and United States governments during the Vietnam War. The organization had both guerrilla and regular army units, as well as a network of cadres who organized and mobilized peasants in the territory the Viet Cong controlled. During the war, communist fighters and some anti-war activists claimed that the Viet Cong was an insurgency indigenous to the South, while the U.S. and South Vietnamese governments portrayed the group as a tool of North Vietnam. According to Trần Văn Trà, the Viet Cong's top commander, and the post-war Vietnamese government's official history, the Viet Cong followed orders from Hanoi and were practically part of the People's Army of Vietnam, or North Vietnamese army. North Vietnam established the National Liberation Front on December 20, 1960, at Tân Lập village in Tây Ninh Province to foment insurgency in the South. Many of the Viet Cong's core members were volunteer "regroupees", southern Viet Minh who had resettled in the North after the Geneva Accord (1954). Hanoi gave the regroupees military training and sent them back to the South along the Ho Chi Minh trail in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The Viet Cong called for the unification of Vietnam and the overthrow of the American backed South Vietnamese government. The Viet Cong's best-known action was the Tet Offensive, an assault on more than 100 South Vietnamese urban centers in 1968, including an attack on the U.S. embassy in Saigon. The offensive riveted the attention of the world's media for weeks, but also overextended the Viet Cong. Later communist offensives were conducted predominantly by the North Vietnamese. The organization officially merged with the Fatherland Front of Vietnam on February 4, 1977, after North and South Vietnam were officially unified under a communist government. Names The term Việt Cộng appeared in Saigon newspapers beginning in 1956.[8] It is a contraction of Việt Nam cộng sản (Vietnamese communist).[8] The earliest citation for Viet Cong in English is from 1957.[9] American soldiers referred to the Viet Cong as Victor Charlie or V-C. "Victor" and "Charlie" are both letters in the NATO phonetic alphabet. "Charlie" referred to communist forces in general, both Viet Cong and North Vietnamese. The official Vietnamese history gives the group's name as the Liberation Army of South Vietnam or the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (NLFSV; Mặt trận Dân tộc Giải phóng miền Nam Việt Nam).[10][nb 3] Many writers shorten this to National Liberation Front (NLF).[nb 4] In 1969, the Viet Cong created the "Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam" (Chính Phủ Cách Mạng Lâm Thời Cộng Hòa Miền Nam Việt Nam), abbreviated PRG.[nb 5] Although the NLF was not officially abolished until 1977, the Viet Cong no longer used the name after the PRG was created. Members generally referred to the Viet Cong as "the Front" (Mặt trận).[8] Today's Vietnamese media most frequently refers to the group as the "Liberation Army of South Vietnam" (Quân Giải phóng Miền Nam Việt Nam) .[11] History Origin Soldiers and civilians took supplies south on the Ho Chi Minh trail (1959) By the terms of the Geneva Accord (1954), which ended the Indochina War, France and the Viet Minh agreed to a truce and to a separation of forces. The Viet Minh had become the government of North Vietnam, and military forces of the communists regrouped there. Military forces of the non-communists regrouped in South Vietnam, which became a separate state. Elections on reunification were scheduled for July 1956. A divided Vietnam angered Vietnamese nationalists, but it made the country less of a threat to China. Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai negotiated the terms of the ceasefire with France and then imposed them on the Viet Minh. About 90,000 Viet Minh were evacuated to the North while 5,000 to 10,000 cadre remained in the South, most of them with orders to refocus on political activity and agitation.[8] The Saigon-Cholon Peace Committee, the first Viet Cong front, was founded in 1954 to provide leadership for this group.[8] Other front names used by the Viet Cong in the 1950s implied that members were fighting for religious causes, for example, "Executive Committee of the Fatherland Front", which suggested affiliation with the Hòa Hảo sect, or "Vietnam-Cambodia Buddhist Association".[8] Front groups were favored by the Viet Cong to such an extent that its real leadership remained shadowy until long after the war was over, prompting the expression "the faceless Viet Cong".[8] US Military map of Communist forces in South Vietnam in early 1964 Led by Ngô Đình Diệm, South Vietnam refused to sign the Geneva Accord. Arguing that a free election was impossible under the conditions that existed in communist-held territory, Diệm announced in July 1955 that the scheduled election on reunification would not be held. After subduing the Bình Xuyên organized crime gang in the Battle for Saigon in 1955, and the Hòa Hảo and other militant religious sects in early 1956, Diệm turned his attention to the Viet Cong.[12] Within a few months, the Viet Cong had been driven into remote swamps.[13] The success of this campaign inspired U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower to dub Diệm the "miracle man" when he visited the U.S. in May 1957.[13] France withdrew its last soldiers from Vietnam in April 1956.[14] In March 1956, southern communist leader Lê Duẩn presented a plan to revive the insurgency entitled "The Road to the South" to the other members of the Politburo in Hanoi.[15] He argued adamantly that war with the United States was necessary to achieve unification.[16] But as China and the Soviets both opposed confrontation at this time, Lê Duẩn's plan was rejected and communists in the South were ordered to limit themselves to economic struggle.[15] Leadership divided into a "North first", or pro-Beijing, faction led by Trường Chinh, and a "South first" faction led by Lê Duẩn. As the Sino-Soviet split widened in the following months, Hanoi began to play the two communist giants off against each other. The North Vietnamese leadership approved tentative measures to revive the southern insurgency in December 1956.[17] Lê Duẩn's blueprint for revolution in the South was approved in principle, but implementation was conditional on winning international support and on modernizing the army, which was expected to take at least until 1959.[18] President Hồ Chí Minh stressed that violence was still a last resort.[19] Nguyễn Hữu Xuyên was assigned military command in the South,[20] replacing Lê Duẩn, who was appointed North Vietnam's acting party boss. This represented a loss of power for Hồ, who preferred the more moderate Võ Nguyên Giáp, who was defense minister.[16] A photo from the U.S. Information Agency allegedly showing a 23-year-old Le Van Than, who had defected from the Communist forces and joined the South Vietnam Government side and was later recaptured by the Viet Cong and spent a month in a Viet Cong internment camp.[21] An assassination campaign, referred to as "extermination of traitors" [22] or "armed propaganda" in communist literature, began in April 1957. Tales of sensational murder and mayhem soon crowded the headlines.[8] Seventeen civilians were killed by machine gun fire at a bar in Châu Đốc in July and in September a district chief was killed with his entire family on a main highway in broad daylight.[8] In October 1957, a series of bombs exploded in Saigon and left 13 Americans wounded.[8] In a speech given on September 2, 1957, Hồ reiterated the "North first" line of economic struggle.[23] The launch of Sputnik in October boosted Soviet confidence and led to a reassessment of policy regarding Indochina, long treated as a Chinese sphere of influence. In November, Hồ traveled to Moscow with Lê Duẩn and gained approval for a more militant line.[24] In early 1958, Lê Duẩn met with the leaders of "Inter-zone V" (northern South Vietnam) and ordered the establishment of patrols and safe areas to provide logistical support for activity in the Mekong Delta and in urban areas.[24] In June 1958, the Viet Cong created a command structure for the eastern Mekong Delta.[25] French scholar Bernard Fall published an influential article in July 1958 which analyzed the pattern of rising violence and concluded that a new war had begun.[8] Launches armed struggle The Communist Party of Vietnam approved a "people's war" on the South at a session in January 1959 and this decision was confirmed by the Politburo in March.[14] In May 1959, Group 559 was established to maintain and upgrade the Ho Chi Minh trail, at this time a six-month mountain trek through Laos. About 500 of the "regroupees" of 1954 were sent south on the trail during its first year of operation.[26] The first arms delivery via the trail, a few dozen rifles, was completed in August 1959.[27] Two regional command centers were merged to create the Central Office for South Vietnam (Trung ương Cục miền Nam), a unified communist party headquarters for the South.[14] COSVN was initially located in Tây Ninh Province near the Cambodian border. On July 8, the Viet Cong killed two U.S. military advisors at Biên Hòa, the first American dead of the Vietnam War.[nb 6] The "2d Liberation Battalion" ambushed two companies of South Vietnamese soldiers in September 1959, the first large unit military action of the war.[8] This was considered the beginning of the "armed struggle" in communist accounts.[8] A series of uprisings beginning in the Mekong Delta province of Bến Tre in January 1960 created "liberated zones", models of Viet Cong-style government. Propagandists celebrated their creation of battalions of "long-hair troops" (women).[28] The fiery declarations of 1959 were followed by a lull while Hanoi focused on events in Laos (1960–61).[29] Moscow favored reducing international tensions in 1960, as it was election year for the U.S. presidency.[nb 7] Despite this, 1960 was a year of unrest in South Vietnam, with pro-democracy demonstrations inspired by the South Korean student uprising that year and a failed military coup in November.[8] Brinks Hotel, Saigon, following a Viet Cong bombing on December 24, 1964. Two American officers were killed. To counter the accusation that North Vietnam was violating the Geneva Accord, the independence of the Viet Cong was stressed in communist propaganda. The Viet Cong created the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam in December 1960 at Tân Lập village in Tây Ninh as a "united front", or political branch intended to encourage the participation of non-communists.[30] The group's formation was announced by Radio Hanoi and its ten-point manifesto called for, "overthrow the disguised colonial regime of the imperialists and the dictatorial administration, and to form a national and democratic coalition administration."[8] Thọ, a lawyer and the Viet Cong's "neutralist" chairman, was an isolated figure among cadres and soldiers. South Vietnam's Law 10/59, approved in May 1959, authorized the death penalty for crimes "against the security of the state" and featured prominently in Viet Cong propaganda.[31] Violence between the Viet Cong and government forces soon increased drastically from 180 clashes in January 1960 to 545 clashes in September.[32][33] By 1960, the Sino-Soviet split was a public rivalry, making China more supportive of Hanoi's war effort.[34] For Chinese leader Mao Zedong, aid to North Vietnam was a way to enhance his "anti-imperialist" credentials for both domestic and international audiences.[35] About 40,000 communist soldiers infiltrated the South in 1961–63.[36] The Viet Cong grew rapidly; an estimated 300,000 members were enrolled in "liberation associations" (affiliated groups) by early 1962.[8] The ratio of Viet Cong to government soldiers jumped from 1:10 in 1961 to 1:5 a year later.[37] A Viet Cong prisoner captured in 1967 by the U.S. Army awaits interrogation. The level of violence in the South jumped dramatically in the fall of 1961, from 50 guerrilla attacks in September to 150 in October.[38] U.S. President John F. Kennedy decided in November 1961 to substantially increase American military aid to South Vietnam.[39] The USS Core arrived in Saigon with 35 helicopters in December 1961. By mid-1962, there were 12,000 U.S. military advisors in Vietnam.[40] The "special war" and "strategic hamlets" policies allowed Saigon to push back in 1962, but in 1963 the Viet Cong regained the military initiative.[37] The Viet Cong won its first military victory against South Vietnamese forces at Ấp Bắc in January 1963. A landmark party meeting was held in December 1963, shortly after a military coup in Saigon in which Diệm was assassinated. North Vietnamese leaders debated the issue of "quick victory" vs "protracted war" (guerrilla warfare).[41] After this meeting, the communist side geared up for a maximum military effort and the troop strength of the People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN) increased from 174,000 at the end of 1963 to 300,000 in 1964.[41] The Soviets cut aid in 1964 as an expression of annoyance with Hanoi's ties to China.[42][nb 8] Even as Hanoi embraced China's international line, it continued to follow the Soviet model of reliance on technical specialists and bureaucratic management, as opposed to mass mobilization.[42] The winter of 1964–1965 was a high-water mark for the Viet Cong, with the Saigon government on the verge of collapse.[43] Soviet aid soared following a visit to Hanoi by Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin in February 1965.[44] Hanoi was soon receiving up-to-date surface-to-air missiles.[44] The U.S. would have 200,000 soldiers in South Vietnam by the end of the year.[45] A U.S. Air Force Douglas Skyraider drops a white phosphorus bomb on a Viet Cong position in South Vietnam in 1966. In January 1966, Australian troops uncovered a tunnel complex that had been used by COSVN.[46] Six thousand documents were captured, revealing the inner workings of the Viet Cong. COSVN retreated to Mimot in Cambodia. As a result of an agreement with the Cambodian government made in 1966, weapons for the Viet Cong were shipped to the Cambodian port of Sihanoukville and then trucked to Viet Cong bases near the border along the "Sihanouk Trail", which replaced the Ho Chi Minh Trail. Many Liberation Army of South Vietnam units operated at night,[47] and employed terror as a standard tactic.[48] Rice procured at gunpoint sustained the Viet Cong.[49] Squads were assigned monthly assassination quotas.[50] Government employees, especially village and district heads, were the most common targets. But there were a wide variety of targets, including clinics and medical personnel.[50] Notable Viet Cong atrocities include the massacre of over 3,000 unarmed civilians at Huế, 48 killed in the bombing of My Canh floating restaurant in Saigon in June 1965[51] and a massacre of 252 Montagnards in the village of Đắk Sơn in December 1967 using flamethrowers.[52] Viet Cong death squads assassinated at least 37,000 civilians in South Vietnam; the real figure was far higher since the data mostly cover 1967–72. They also waged a mass murder campaign against civilian hamlets and refugee camps; in the peak war years, nearly a third of all civilian deaths were the result of Viet Cong atrocities.[53] Ami Pedahzur has written that "the overall volume and lethality of Vietcong terrorism rivals or exceeds all but a handful of terrorist campaigns waged over the last third of the twentieth century".[54] Viet Cong soldiers captured by US Marines outside of Dong Ha, RVN 1968 Logistics and equipment Main article: Viet Cong and PAVN logistics and equipment Looking from the waist up, a man wearing a hat and holding an assault rifle with one hand holding the magazine and the other on the pistol grip Viet Cong soldier stands beneath a Viet Cong flag with an AK-47 rifle. Tet Offensive Major reversals in 1966 and 1967, as well as the growing American presence in Vietnam, inspired Hanoi to consult its allies and reassess strategy in April 1967. While Beijing urged a fight to the finish, Moscow suggested a negotiated settlement.[55] Convinced that 1968 could be the last chance for decisive victory, General Nguyễn Chí Thanh, suggested an all-out offensive against urban centers.[56][nb 9] He submitted a plan to Hanoi in May 1967.[56] After Thanh's death in July, Giáp was assigned to implement this plan, now known as the Tet Offensive. The Parrot's Beak, an area in Cambodia only 30 miles from Saigon, was prepared as a base of operations.[57] Funeral processions were used to smuggle weapons into Saigon.[57] Viet Cong entered the cities concealed among civilians returning home for Tết.[57] The U.S. and South Vietnamese expected that an announced seven-day truce would be observed during Vietnam's main holiday. A U.S. propaganda leaflet urges Viet Cong to defect using the Chiêu Hồi Program. At this point, there were about 500,000 U.S. troops in Vietnam,[45] as well as 900,000 allied forces.[57] General William Westmoreland, the U.S. commander, received reports of heavy troop movements and understood that an offensive was being planned, but his attention was focused on Khe Sanh, a remote U.S. base near the DMZ.[58] In January and February 1968, some 80,000 Viet Cong struck more than 100 towns with orders to "crack the sky" and "shake the Earth."[59] The offensive included a commando raid on the U.S. Embassy in Saigon and a massacre at Huế of about 3,500 residents.[60] House-to-house fighting between Viet Cong and South Vietnamese Rangers left much of Cholon, a section of Saigon, in ruins. The Viet Cong used any available tactic to demoralize and intimidate the population, including the assassination of South Vietnamese commanders.[61] A photo by Eddie Adams showing the summary execution of a Viet Cong in Saigon on February 1 became a symbol of the brutality of the war.[62] In an influential broadcast on February 27, newsman Walter Cronkite stated that the war was a "stalemate" and could be ended only by negotiation.[63] The offensive was undertaken in the hope of triggering a general uprising, but urban Vietnamese did not respond as the Viet Cong anticipated. About 75,000 communist soldiers were killed or wounded, according to Trần Văn Trà, commander of the "B-2" district, which consisted of southern South Vietnam.[64] "We did not base ourselves on scientific calculation or a careful weighing of all factors, but...on an illusion based on our subjective desires", Trà concluded.[65] Earle G. Wheeler, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, estimated that Tet resulted in 40,000 communist dead[66] (compared to about 10,600 U.S. and South Vietnamese dead). "It is a major irony of the Vietnam War that our propaganda transformed this debacle into a brilliant victory. The truth was that Tet cost us half our forces. Our losses were so immense that we were unable to replace them with new recruits", said PRG Justice Minister Trương Như Tảng.[66] Tet had a profound psychological impact because South Vietnamese cities were otherwise safe areas during the war.[67] U.S. President Lyndon Johnson and Westmoreland argued that panicky news coverage gave the public the unfair perception that America had been defeated.[68] Aside from some districts in the Mekong Delta, the Viet Cong failed to create a governing apparatus in South Vietnam following Tet, according to an assessment of captured documents by the U.S. CIA.[69] The breakup of larger Viet Cong units increased the effectiveness of the CIA's Phoenix Program (1967–72), which targeted individual leaders, as well as the Chiêu Hồi Program, which encouraged defections. By the end of 1969, there was little communist-held territory, or "liberated zones", in South Vietnam, according to the official communist military history.[70] There were no predominantly southern units left and 70 percent of communist troops in the South were northerners.[71] The Viet Cong created an urban front in 1968 called the Alliance of National, Democratic, and Peace Forces.[72] The group's manifesto called for an independent, non-aligned South Vietnam and stated that "national reunification cannot be achieved overnight."[72] In June 1969, the alliance merged with the Viet Cong to form a "Provisional Revolutionary Government" (PRG). Vietnamization The Tet Offensive increased American public discontent with participation in the Vietnam War and led the U.S. to gradually withdraw combat forces and to shift responsibility to the South Vietnamese, a process called Vietnamization. Pushed into Cambodia, the Viet Cong could no longer draw South Vietnamese recruits.[71] In May 1968, Trường Chinh urged "protracted war" in a speech that was published prominently in the official media, so the fortunes of his "North first" fraction may have revived at this time.[73] COSVN rejected this view as "lacking resolution and absolute determination."[74] The Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 led to intense Sino-Soviet tension and to the withdrawal of Chinese forces from North Vietnam. Beginning in February 1970, Lê Duẩn's prominence in the official media increased, suggesting that he was again top leader and had regained the upper hand in his longstanding rivalry with Trường Chinh.[75] After the overthrow of Prince Sihanouk in March 1970, the Viet Cong faced a hostile Cambodian government which authorized a U.S. offensive against its bases in April. However, the capture of the Plain of Jars and other territory in Laos, as well as five provinces in northeastern Cambodia, allowed the North Vietnamese to reopen the Ho Chi Minh trail.[76] Although 1970 was a much better year for the Viet Cong than 1969,[76] it would never again be more than an adjunct to the PAVN. The 1972 Easter Offensive was a direct North Vietnamese attack across the DMZ between North and South.[77] Despite the Paris Peace Accords, signed by all parties in January 1973, fighting continued. In March, Trà was recalled to Hanoi for a series of meetings to hammer out a plan for an enormous offensive against Saigon.[78] Viet Cong soldiers carry an injured American POW to a prisoner swap in 1973. The VC uniform was a floppy jungle hat, rubber sandals, and green fatigues without rank or insignia.[79] Fall of Saigon Further information: Fall of Saigon In response to the anti-war movement, the U.S. Congress passed the Case–Church Amendment to prohibit further U.S. military intervention in Vietnam in June 1973 and reduced aid to South Vietnam in August 1974.[80] With U.S. bombing ended, communist logistical preparations could be accelerated. An oil pipeline was built from North Vietnam to Viet Cong headquarters in Lộc Ninh, about 75 miles northwest of Saigon. (COSVN was moved back to South Vietnam following the Easter Offensive.) The Ho Chi Minh Trail, beginning as a series of treacherous mountain tracks at the start of the war, was upgraded throughout the war, first into a road network driveable by trucks in the dry season, and finally, into paved, all-weather roads that could be used year-round, even during the monsoon.[81] Between the beginning of 1974 and April 1975, with now-excellent roads and no fear of air interdiction, the communists delivered nearly 365,000 tons of war matériel to battlefields, 2.6 times the total for the previous 13 years.[70] The success of the 1973–74 dry season offensive convinced Hanoi to accelerate its timetable. When there was no U.S. response to a successful communist attack on Phước Bình in January 1975, South Vietnamese morale collapsed. The next major battle, at Buôn Ma Thuột in March, was a communist walkover. After the fall of Saigon on April 30, 1975, the PRG moved into government offices there. At the victory parade, Tạng noticed that the units formerly dominated by southerners were missing, replaced by northerners years earlier.[71] The bureaucracy of the Republic of Vietnam was uprooted and authority over the South was assigned to the PAVN. People considered tainted by association with the former South Vietnamese government were sent to re-education camps, despite the protests of the non-communist PRG members including Tạng.[82] Without consulting the PRG, North Vietnamese leaders decided to rapidly dissolve the PRG at a party meeting in August 1975.[83] North and South were merged as the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in July 1976 and the PRG was dissolved. The Viet Cong was merged with the Vietnamese Fatherland Front on February 4, 1977.[82] Relationship with Hanoi Activists opposing American involvement in Vietnam said that the Viet Cong was a nationalist insurgency indigenous to the South.[84] They said that the Viet Cong was composed of several parties—the People's Revolutionary Party, the Democratic Party and the Radical Socialist Party[4]—and that Viet Cong chairman Nguyễn Hữu Thọ was not a communist.[85] Anti-communists countered that the Viet Cong was merely a front for Hanoi.[84] They said some statements issued by communist leaders in the 1980s and 1990s suggested that southern communist forces were influenced by Hanoi.[84] According to the memoirs of Trần Văn Trà, the Viet Cong's top commander and PRG defense minister, he followed orders issued by the "Military Commission of the Party Central Committee" in Hanoi, which in turn implemented resolutions of the Politburo.[nb 10] Trà himself was deputy chief of staff for the PAVN before being assigned to the South.[86] The official Vietnamese history of the war states that "The Liberation Army of South Vietnam [Viet Cong] is a part of the People's Army of Vietnam".[10] See also Viet Cong and PAVN strategy, organization and structure Viet Cong and PAVN battle tactics Kit Carson Scouts, former Viet Cong who worked with U.S. Marines People's Army of Vietnam, the North Vietnamese army Viet Cong and People's Army of Vietnam use of terror in the Vietnam War Notes Vietnamese: Việt Cộng, pronounced [vîət kə̂wŋmˀ] ⓘ; contraction of Việt Nam cộng sản (Vietnamese communist / Viet-communist)[8] Sometimes simply National Liberation Front (NLF) Vietnamese: Mặt trận Dân tộc Giải phóng miền Nam Việt Nam French: Front national de libération [du Sud Viêt Nam] (FNL) Radio Hanoi called it the "National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam" in a January 1961 broadcast announcing the group's formation. In his memoirs, Võ Nguyên Giáp called the group the "South Vietnam National Liberation Front" (Nguyên Giáp Võ, Russell Stetler (1970). The Military Art of People's War: Selected Writings of General Vo Nguyen Giap. Monthly Review Press. pp. 206, 208, 210. ISBN 9780853451297.). See also the "Program of the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam". Archived from the original on June 26, 2010. (1967). The terminology "liberation front" is adapted from the earlier Greek and Algerian National Liberation Fronts. This also follows terminology used earlier by leftists in Greece (Provisional Democratic Government) and Algeria (Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic). Major Dale R. Buis and Master Sergeant Charles Ovnand, the first names to appear on the Vietnam Veterans Memorial. This is sometimes referred to as the "Genoa Policy" and later inspired Khrushchev to take credit for Kennedy's election.(Lynn-Jones, Sean M.; Steven E. Miller; Stephen Van Evera (1989). Soviet Military Policy: An International Security Reader. MIT Press. p. 28. ISBN 0-262-62066-9.) There was also a U.S. presidential election in 1964. Disappointed with the results of the 1964 U.S. presidential election, the Kremlin did not try to influence the election of 1968. Desiring "businesslike" relations, the Kremlin favored incumbent Richard Nixon against left-wing challenger George McGovern in 1972. (Lynn-Jones, p. 29). Trà begins, "How did the B2 theater carry out the mission assigned it by the Military Commission of the Party Central Committee?" (Trần Văn Trà (1982), Vietnam: History of the Bulwark B2 Theatre, archived from the original on June 2, 2011) References "National Liberation Front (Viet Cong)". www.fotw.info. Archived from the original on April 18, 2023. Berg, Nicole M. (July 29, 2020). Discovering Kubrick's Symbolism: The Secrets of the Films. McFarland. ISBN 9781476639925 – via Google Books. Gibson, Karen Bush (February 4, 2020). The Vietnam War. Mitchell Lane. ISBN 9781545749463 – via Google Books. Burchett, Wilfred (1963): "Liberation Front: Formation of the NLF", The Furtive War, International Publishers, New York. (Archive) Possibly a pseudonym for Trần Văn Trà. "Man in the News: Lt.-Gen. Tran Van Tra". February 2, 1973. Archived from the original on August 23, 2009. Bolt, Dr. Ernest. "Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam (1969–1975)". University of Richmond. Archived from the original on October 26, 2014. Retrieved June 28, 2008. Logevall, Fredrik (1993). "The Swedish-American Conflict over Vietnam". Diplomatic History. 17 (3): 421–445. doi:10.1111/j.1467-7709.1993.tb00589.x. JSTOR 24912244. Retrieved July 29, 2021. "Origins of the Insurgency in South Vietnam, 1954–1960". The Pentagon Papers. 1971. pp. 242–314. Archived from the original on October 19, 2017. Retrieved June 13, 2008. "Viet Cong", Oxford English Dictionary Military History Institute of Vietnam,(2002) Victory in Vietnam: The Official History of the People's Army of Vietnam, 1954–1975, translated by Merle L. Pribbenow. University Press of Kansas. p. 68. ISBN 0-7006-1175-4. See, for example, this story in Viet Nam News, the official English-language newspaper. Karnow, p. 238. Karnow, p. 245. "The History Place — Vietnam War 1945–1960". Archived from the original on March 12, 2023. Retrieved June 11, 2008. Ang, Cheng Guan (2002). The Vietnam War from the Other Side. RoutledgeCurzon. p. 16. ISBN 0-7007-1615-7. Ang, p. 21 Olson, James; Randy Roberts (1991). "Where the Domino Fell: America and Vietnam, 1945–1990". New York: St. Martin's Press: 67. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) This decision was made at the 11th Plenary Session of the Lao Động Central Committee. Ang, p. 19 Võ Nguyên Giáp. The Political and Military Line of Our Party. pp. 179–80. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help) Ang, p. 20. U.S. Information Agency. (August 24, 1982 – January 10, 1999) (1966). The effects of just one month spent in a Viet Cong prison camp show on 23-year-old Le Van Than, who had defected from the Communist forces and joined the Government side, was recaptured by the Viet Cong and deliberately starved. Series: Master File Photographs of U.S. And Foreign Personalities, World Events, and American Economic, Social, and Cultural Life, 1900 – 2003. Archived from the original on May 4, 2023. Retrieved August 14, 2020. {{cite book}}: |website= ignored (help) McNamera, Robert S.; Blight, James G.; Brigham, Robert K. (1999). Argument Without End. PublicAffairs. p. 35. ISBN 1-891620-22-3. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help) Ang, p. 23. Ang, pp. 24-25. Karnow, p. 693. Victory in Vietnam, p. xi. Prados, John, (2006) "The Road South: The Ho Chi Minh Trail", Rolling Thunder in a Gentle Land, editor By Andrew A. Wiest, Osprey Publishing, ISBN 1-84603-020-X. Gettleman, Marvin E.; Jane Franklin; Marilyn Young (1995). Vietnam and America. Grove Press. p. 187. ISBN 0-8021-3362-2. Ang, p. 7. Ang, p. 58. Gettleman, p. 156. Kelly, Francis John (1989) [1973]. History of Special Forces in Vietnam, 1961–1971. Washington, D.C.: United States Army Center of Military History. p. 4. CMH Pub 90-23. Archived from the original on February 12, 2014. Retrieved August 5, 2010. Nghia M. Vo Saigon: A History 2011 – Page 140 "... on December 19 to 20, 1960, Nguyễn Hữu Thọ, a Saigon lawyer, Trương Như Tảng, chief comptroller of a bank, Drs. Dương Quỳnh Hoa and Phùng Văn Cung, along with other dissidents, met with communists to form the National Liberation Front..." Zhai, Qiang (2000). China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950–1975. Univ of North Carolina Press. p. 83. ISBN 0-8078-4842-5. Zhai, p. 5. Ang, p. 76. Victory in Vietnam, p. xii. Ang, p. 113. Pribbenow, Merle (August 1999). "North Vietnam's Master Plan". Vietnam. Archived from the original on April 9, 2023. Karnow, p.694 Ang, p. 74-75. Zhai, p. 128. Victory in Vietnam, p. xiii. Karnow, p. 427. "1957–1975: The Vietnam War". libcom. Archived from the original on May 17, 2022. "VC Tunnels". Digger History. Zumbro, Ralph (1986). Tank Sergeant. Presidio Press. pp. 27–28, 115. ISBN 978-0-517-07201-1. The Viet Cong were commonly referred to by the Vietnamese rural population as "night bandits" or the "night government". Zumbro, pp. 25, 33 Zumbro, p. 32. U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, The Human Cost of Communism in Vietnam" (1972), p. 8-49. "The My Canh Restaurant bombing". Archived from the original on November 25, 2010. Retrieved July 30, 2008. Krohn, Charles, A., The Last Battalion: Controversies and Casualties of the Battle of Hue. pg. 30. Westport 1993. Jones, C. Don, Massacre at Dak Son Archived November 29, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, United States Information Service, 1967 "On the Other Side: Terror as Policy". Time. December 5, 1969. Archived from the original on May 22, 2013. Retrieved July 17, 2008. "The Massacre of Dak Son". Time. December 15, 1967. Archived from the original on July 21, 2013. Retrieved June 15, 2008. Pictures of Dak Son can be viewed here Archived February 19, 2020, at the Wayback Machine. Guenter Lewy, America in Vietnam, (Oxford University Press, 1978), pp272-3, 448–9. Pedahzur, Ami (2006), Root Causes of Suicide Terrorism: The Globalization of Martyrdom, Taylor & Francis, p.116. Ang, p. 115. Ang, pp. 116–117. Westmoreland, William. "The Year of Decision—1968". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) Gettleman, Marvin E (1995). Marvin E. Gettleman; Jane Franklin; Marilyn Young (eds.). Vietnam and America. Grove Press. p. 345. ISBN 0-8021-3362-2. Westmoreland, p. 344 (editor's note). Dougan, Clark; Stephen Weiss (1983). Nineteen Sixty-Eight. Boston: Boston Publishing Company. pp. 8, 10. ISBN 9780939526062. "The Massacre of Hue". Time. October 31, 1969. Archived from the original on December 4, 2007. Pike, Douglas. "Viet Cong Strategy of Terror". pp. 23–39. Archived from the original on December 6, 2022. Kearny, Cresson H. (Maj) (1997). "Jungle Snafus...and Remedies". Oregon Institute of Science and Medicine: 327. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) Lee, Nathan (April 10, 2009). "A Dark Glimpse From Eddie Adams's Camera". The New York Times. Archived from the original on June 15, 2018. Walter Cronkite on the Tet Offensive, archived from the original on July 19, 2008 Tran Van Tra. "Tet". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help) in Warner, Jayne S. Warner (1993). Luu Doan Huynh (ed.). The Vietnam War: Vietnamese and American Perspectives. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. pp. 49–50.. Tran Van Tra. "Comments on Tet '68". Archived from the original on August 7, 2011. "Vietnam Veterans for Academic Reform". Archived from the original on February 26, 2009. Crowell, Todd Crowell (October 29, 2006). "The Tet Offensive and Iraq". Archived from the original on August 23, 2009. Aron, Paul (November 7, 2005). Mysteries in History. Bloomsbury Academic. p. 404. ISBN 1-85109-899-2. "Failure of the Viet Cong to establish liberation committees". Declassified CIA Documents on the Vietnam War. February 22, 1991. Archived from the original on March 7, 2021. Whitcomb, Col Darrel (Summer 2003). "Victory in Vietnam: The Official History of the People's Army of Vietnam, 1954–1975 (book review)". Air & Space Power Journal. Archived from the original on February 7, 2009. Porter, Gareth (1993). Vietnam: The Politics of Bureaucratic Socialism. Cornell University Press. p. 26. ISBN 978-0-8014-2168-6. Porter, pp. 27–29 Ang, p. 138. Ang, p. 139. Ang, p. 53. Ang, p. 52. "The Vietcong". www.vietnampix.com. Archived from the original on October 5, 2022. Karnow, p. 673. Tran Van Tra. "Vietnam: History of the Bulwark B2 Theatre". Archived from the original on May 28, 2009. Karnow, pp 644–645. Karnow. pp. 672–74. Porter, p. 29 Porter, p. 28. Ruane, Kevin (1998), War and Revolution in Vietnam, 1930–75, p. 51, ISBN 1-85728-323-6 Karnow, Stanley (1991). Vietnam: A history. Penguin Books. ISBN 0-670-84218-4., p. 255. Bolt, Dr. Ernest. "Who is Tran Van Tra?". Archived from the original on July 10, 2011. Retrieved April 7, 2009. Further reading U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, The Human Cost of Communism in Vietnam (1972) . Marvin Gettleman, et al. Vietnam and America: A Documented History. Grove Press. 1995. ISBN 0-8021-3362-2. See especially Part VII: The Decisive Year. Truong Nhu Tang. A Vietcong Memoir. Random House. ISBN 0-394-74309-1. 1985. See Chapter 7 on the forming of the Viet Cong, and Chapter 21 on the communist take-over in 1975. Frances Fitzgerald. Fire in the Lake: The Vietnamese and the Americans in Vietnam. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1972. ISBN 0-316-28423-8. See Chapter 4. "The National Liberation Front". Douglas Valentine. The Phoenix Program. New York: William Morrow and Company. 1990. ISBN 0-688-09130-X. Merle Pribbenow (translation). Victory in Vietnam: The Official History of the People's Army of Vietnam. University Press of Kansas. 2002 ISBN 0-7006-1175-4 Morris, Virginia and Hills, Clive. 2018. Ho Chi Minh's Blueprint for Revolution: In the Words of Vietnamese Strategists and Operatives, McFarland & Co Inc.

This documentary explores the contentious push by the British government to construct the nation's inaugural commercial-scale nuclear power station fueled by plutonium. An investigative journalist delves into the inherent hazards associated with this venture, highlighting the minuscule yet catastrophic impact of plutonium exposure. Despite the government's intent to solve the energy crisis through a fast-breeder reactor, an independent royal commission deems the process perilous. The documentary traverses Japan, delving into the lives of those still affected by the aftermath of Hiroshima, emphasizing the devastating consequences of nuclear fallout. It presents stark warnings from experts, citing potential cancer-related deaths and environmental disasters resulting from nuclear accidents. He advocates for renewable energy alternatives like tidal, solar, and wave power, questioning the disproportionate focus on nuclear development. Nuclear power in the United Kingdom generated 16.1% of the country's electricity in 2020.[1] As of August 2022, the UK has 9 operational nuclear reactors at five locations (8 advanced gas-cooled reactors (AGR) and one pressurised water reactor (PWR)), producing 5.9 GWe.[2] It also has nuclear reprocessing plants at Sellafield and the Tails Management Facility (TMF) operated by Urenco in Capenhurst. The United Kingdom established the world's first civil nuclear programme,[3] opening a nuclear power station, Calder Hall at Windscale, England, in 1956. The British installed base of nuclear reactors used to be dominated by domestically developed Magnox and their successor AGR reactors with graphite moderator and CO2 coolant but the last of those are nearing the end of their useful life and will be replaced with "international" pressurised water reactors. At the peak in 1997, 26% of the nation's electricity was generated from nuclear power. Since then several reactors have closed and by 2012 the share had declined to 19%.[4] The older AGR reactors have been life-extended,[5][6] but they are now towards the end of their life. In October 2010, the Cameron–Clegg coalition took forward the previous Labour government's plans[7] for private suppliers to construct up to eight new nuclear power plants.[8] The Scottish Government, with the backing of the Scottish Parliament, has stated that no new nuclear power stations will be constructed in Scotland.[9][10] E.ON UK, RWE npower and Horizon Nuclear Power have been pulling out of their initial plans for developing new nuclear power plants, placing the future of nuclear power in the UK in some doubt. Despite this, EDF Energy is still planning to build four new reactors at two sites, with construction ongoing at Hinkley Point in Somerset.[11][12] In light of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, the government of Boris Johnson announced a renewed commitment to nuclear power, using the EPR and potentially other PWR designs as well as yet-to-be-developed small modular reactors in a push towards energy independence and decarbonisation while replacing the ageing AGR reactors and phasing out gas and coal for electricity generation. While there is a de facto nuclear power phaseout underway in Scotland and there are plans to replace existing reactors with newly-built ones in England and Wales (sometimes using existing sites for the new reactors), no nuclear power plant has ever been built or planned in Northern Ireland. EDF Energy owns and manages the five currently operating and two de-fuelling reactor sites.[13] Four new plants are proposed to be built in the next few decades. All nuclear installations in the UK are overseen by the Office for Nuclear Regulation. History 20th century [icon] This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (March 2011) Calder Hall power station was first connected to the national power grid on 27 August 1956 Nuclear capacity (red) as a proportion of total generating capacity, 1955–2016 The United Kingdom Atomic Energy Authority (UKAEA) was established in 1954 as a statutory corporation to oversee and pioneer the development of nuclear energy within the United Kingdom.[14] The first station to be connected to the grid, on 27 August 1956, was Calder Hall, although the production of weapons-grade plutonium was the main reason behind this power station. Calder Hall was the world's first nuclear power station to deliver electricity in commercial quantities[15] (although the 5 MW "semi-experimental" reactor at Obninsk in the Soviet Union was connected to the public supply in 1954).[16] In February 1966, it was announced that the first prototype fast breeder reactor in the United Kingdom would be constructed in Dounreay, Scotland, at a cost of £30 million.[17] British Nuclear Fuels Limited (BNFL) was established in February 1971 from the demerger of the production division of the UK Atomic Energy Authority (UKAEA).[18] In 1984 BNFL became a public limited company, British Nuclear Fuels plc, wholly owned by the UK government. In December 1979, in the wake of the industrial disputes of the Winter of Discontent and the 1979 oil crisis, the new Thatcher government announced a new long-term nuclear power programme. The existing state National Nuclear Corporation would complete its existing planned second generation AGR builds, and would develop a new programme of building one Westinghouse designed Pressurised Water Reactor (PWR) per year for at least a decade from 1982 (about 15 GWe in total). However, in 1981 the Select Committee on Energy and the Monopolies and Mergers Commission produced reports criticising the CEGB and government's demand forecasting and investment assessment justifying the programme. From 1982, after Nigel Lawson replaced David Howell as Secretary of State for Energy, the government began rowing back from this large proposal, in part because the government were beginning to consider privatising the electricity industry.[19] The Electricity Act 1989 provided for the privatisation of the electricity industry, introducing the Fossil Fuel Levy to support the nuclear power industry which was exempted from privatisation and vested in Nuclear Electric.[20] In the end, only the Sizewell B nuclear power plant from the PWR programme was built, between 1987 and 1995. It began producing power for the national grid in February 1995.[21] Its construction followed a four-year, 16 million-word public inquiry.[21] As of 2019 it is the most recent nuclear plant to be constructed in the United Kingdom.[21] Sizewell B was intended to be the first of a smaller series of four new identical power stations, but the rest were dropped as uneconomic in the early 1990s when it was decided to privatise the electric power industry so low interest rate government finance would no longer be available.[22] A Thermal Oxide Reprocessing Plant (THORP) was opened at Sellafield in 1994.[23] Construction had begun in the 1970s and cost £2.4 billion.[23] In 1996 the UK's eight most advanced nuclear plants, seven advanced gas-cooled reactors and one pressurized water reactor, were privatised as British Energy, raising £2.1 billion.[24] The remaining Magnox reactors remained in public ownership as Magnox Electric. On 30 January 1998 Magnox Electric was merged into BNFL as BNFL Magnox Generation. 21st century Electricity generation by type of fuel, 1998-2020 2002 Energy review Margaret Beckett as Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs rejected demands for an expansion of nuclear power from a lobby including energy minister Brian Wilson and Downing Street staff. She argued there was no need for new nuclear for at least 15 years given current energy prices and generation capacity.[25][26][27] In relation to nuclear power, the conclusion of the Government's 2002 energy review[28] was that: The immediate priorities of energy policy are likely to be most cost-effectively served by promoting energy efficiency and expanding the role of renewables. However, the options of new investment in nuclear power and in clean coal (through carbon sequestration) need to be kept open, and practical measures taken to do this. The practical measures identified were: continuing to participate in international research; ensuring that the nuclear skill-base is maintained, and that the regulators are adequately staffed to assess any new investment proposals; shortening the lead-time to commissioning, should new nuclear power be chosen in future; permitting nuclear power to benefit from the development of carbon taxes and similar market mechanisms; and addressing the problems of long-term nuclear waste disposal. It went on to state that "Because nuclear is a mature technology within a well-established global industry, there is no current case for further government support" and that "the decision whether to bring forward proposals for new nuclear build is a matter for the private sector". 2003 Energy White Paper The Government's Energy White Paper, published in 2003 and titled "Our Energy Future – Creating a Low Carbon Economy"[29] concluded that: Nuclear power is currently an important source of carbon-free electricity. However, its current economics make it an unattractive option for new, carbon-free generating capacity and there are also important issues of nuclear waste to be resolved. These issues include our legacy waste and continued waste arising from other sources. This white paper does not contain specific proposals for building new nuclear power stations. However we do not rule out the possibility that at some point in the future new nuclear build might be necessary if we are to meet our carbon targets. 2006 Energy review In April 2005, advisers to British Prime Minister Tony Blair were suggesting that constructing new nuclear power stations would be the best way to meet the country's targets on reducing emissions of gases responsible for global warming. The energy policy of the United Kingdom has a near-term target of cutting emissions below 1997 levels by 20%, and a more ambitious target of an 80% cut by 2050. In November 2005 the Government announced an energy review,[30] subsequently launched in January 2006, to "review the UK's progress against the medium and long-term Energy White Paper goals and the options for further steps to achieve them".[31] Following the 2006 review the Office for Nuclear Regulation, an agency of Health and Safety Executive, developed the Generic Design Assessment process (GDA) to assess new nuclear reactor designs ahead of site-specific proposals.[32] The GDA started assessing four designs: Westinghouse AP1000; Areva EPR; AECL ACR-1000; and GE-Hitachi ESBWR. However the ACR-1000 and ESBWR were subsequently withdrawn from the assessment for commercial reasons,[33][34] leaving the EPR and AP1000 as contenders for new nuclear builds.[35][36] 2007 High Court ruling On 15 February 2007, environmental group Greenpeace won a High Court ruling that threw out the government's 2006 Energy Review. Mr Justice Sullivan presiding held that the government's review was 'seriously flawed', in particular in that key details of the economics of the argument were only published after the review was completed.[37][38] Justice Sullivan held that the review's wording on nuclear waste disposal was "not merely inadequate but also misleading", and held the decision to proceed to be "unlawful".[39] Responding to the news, Trade and Industry Secretary Alistair Darling said that there would be a fresh consultation, but that a decision was required before the end of 2007. He stated that the government remains convinced that new nuclear power plants are needed to help combat climate change and over-reliance on imported oil and gas.[40] Attention was drawn in the media to numerous connections to nuclear industry lobbyists within the Labour Party.[41] 2007 Consultation The 2007 Energy White Paper: Meeting the Energy Challenge[42] was published on 23 May 2007. It contained a 'preliminary view is that it is in the public interest to give the private sector the option of investing in new nuclear power stations'. Alongside the White Paper the Government published a consultation document, The Future of Nuclear Power[43] together with a number of supporting documents.[44] One of these, a report by Jackson Consulting, suggested that it would be preferable to site new power stations on existing nuclear power stations sites that are owned by the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority or British Energy.[45] Greenpeace responded to the release of the consultation document by repeating its position that replacing the nuclear fleet rather than decommissioning would only reduce the UK's total carbon emissions by four per cent.[46] On 7 September 2007 several anti-nuclear groups including Greenpeace, Friends of the Earth, CND and the WWF announced that they had pulled out of the consultation process.[47] They stated that it appeared as if the Government had already made up its mind regarding the future of nuclear power. The business and enterprise secretary, John Hutton, responded in a Radio 4 interview "It is not the government that has got a closed view on these issues, I think it is organisations like Greenpeace that have got a closed mind. There is only one outcome that Greenpeace and other organisations want from this consultation." 2008 go-ahead given In January 2008, the UK government gave the go-ahead for a new generation of nuclear power stations to be built. The Scottish Government has made clear that it opposes new nuclear power stations being built in Scotland and has the final say on planning matters in Scotland.[48] Liberal Democrat spokesman Steve Webb MP said on 29 January 2008 "There is a real risk that focusing on new nuclear plants will undermine attempts to find a cleaner, greener, more sustainable and secure solution. We should be concentrating our efforts on renewables and greater energy conservation."[49] On 10 January 2008, Alan Duncan MP issued a response to the Government's announcement on nuclear power, welcoming it and suggesting that the Conservatives supported a level economic playing field for different types of energy generation rather than a preference for one over another.[50] Two consortia (EDF-Centrica and RWE-E.ON) had announced outline plans to build a total of 12.5 GW of new nuclear capacity, slightly more than the total capacity of British Energy's currently operating plants. In 2009 government officials believed a carbon price floor would be needed to encourage companies to commit funds to nuclear build projects.[51] 2009 to 2011 Hinkley Point In 2009 Électricité de France (EDF), the state-owned French energy company, took over British Energy, paying £12.5 billion.[52] In August, 2009, the energy company Centrica purchased a 20% share from EDF.[53] A subsidiary of EDF was formed called EDF Energy. In November 2009, the Government identified ten nuclear sites which could accommodate future reactors: Bradwell in Essex; Braystones in Cumbria; Kirksanton in Cumbria; Sellafield in Cumbria; Hartlepool in County Durham; Heysham in Lancashire; Hinkley Point in Somerset; Oldbury in Gloucestershire; Sizewell in Suffolk; and Wylfa in North Wales[54] Most of these sites already have a nuclear power station; the only new sites are Braystones and Kirksanton. In October 2010, sites at Braystones, Kirksanton and Dungeness were ruled out by Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change Chris Huhne with the former government's list of eleven potential sites reduced to eight.[55] In 2010 the Nuclear Advanced Manufacturing Research Centre was created in Rotherham, South Yorkshire, led by the University of Sheffield with Rolls-Royce, anticipating involvement in any forthcoming new nuclear builds in the UK. It was funded with £15 million from the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills and £10 million from the regional development agency Yorkshire Forward.[56][57] 2011 to 2016 Following the 2011 Fukushima I nuclear accidents Chris Huhne, Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, wrote to Dr Mike Weightman, head of the HSE's Nuclear Directorate, on 12 March, asking for a report 'on the implications of the situation and the lessons to be learned for the UK nuclear industry.[58] The report was to be delivered within 6 months, with an interim report by mid-May, 'prepared in close cooperation with the International nuclear community and other nuclear safety regulators'.[58] On 15 March, Huhne expressed regret that some European politicians were 'rushing to judgement' before assessments had been carried out, and said that it was too early to determine whether the willingness of the private sector to invest in new nuclear plants would be affected.[59][60] In the wake of the accident the Government was criticised for having colluded with EDF Energy, Areva and Westinghouse in order to manage communications and maintain public support for nuclear power.[61] In January 2012, the campaign group Energy Fair, supported by a number of other organisations and environmentalists,[62] filed a formal complaint with the European Commission over alleged unlawful State aid in the form of subsidies for nuclear power industry, in breach of European Union competition law.[62][63] It claims that the subsidies arise from underwriting commercial risk and decommissioning costs, protection against terrorist attacks, the disposal of nuclear waste, and by providing 'institutional support' in the form of various government funded or subsidised bodies such as the National Nuclear Laboratory, the Nuclear Institute, and Nuclear Decommissioning Authority without providing corresponding levels of support for renewable technologies,[64] without which nuclear power would not be commercially viable, so distorting the energy market.[62][64] The group claims that the subsidies divert resources from renewable technologies that would 'cut emissions more deeply, more quickly, more cheaply, and with none of the risks and other problems with nuclear power'.[65] In March 2012, two of the big six power companies announced they would be pulling out of developing new nuclear power plants. The decision by RWE npower and E.ON followed uncertainty over nuclear energy following the Fukushima nuclear disaster, which had occurred the year before. Their decision followed a similar announcement by Scottish and Southern Electricity the previous year.[66] Hitachi purchased the Horizon joint-venture, intending to build two or three 1,350 MWe Advanced boiling water reactors (ABWR) at Oldbury and Wylfa.[67][68] French-owned EDF, one of the two remaining consortia planning to build new nuclear plants in the UK, has indicated that the election victory of François Hollande will not change its plans in the UK,[69] despite François Hollande having proposed to cut France's reliance on nuclear power generation from 75% to 50%,[70] and despite speculation to the contrary in the UK.[71] In 2012 Russian firm Rosatom stated that in the future it intended to certify the VVER-1200 with the British and U.S. regulatory authorities, though was unlikely to apply for a British licence before 2015, after having seen what agreements EDF finally reaches.[72][73] In September 2013 Rosatom, in conjunction with Fortum and Rolls-Royce, signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the UK government to prepare for a VVER Generic Design Assessment.[74][75] In 2013, Tim Yeo, chairman of the Commons Energy and Climate Change Committee, stated that the government reaching an agreement over nuclear power expansion was a "matter of great urgency", and warned that Britain could run out of energy if negotiations were not concluded quickly.[76] In the same year, a cross-party committee inquiry concluded that the UK "will not be able to meet its climate change targets without new nuclear build". A report published by the committee found that unless planned nuclear power plants are built on time, it will be "extremely challenging, if not impossible" for the country to meet its legally binding carbon reduction targets. Such a failure to build the new nuclear capacity by 2025 would also force a greater reliance on imported gas, and would affect energy security.[77] On 26 March 2013, the government published a Nuclear Industrial Strategy which in part stated that the nuclear industry had plans for about 16 GWe of new nuclear power stations by 2030, which is at least 12 new nuclear reactors at five sites. A Nuclear Industry Council will be established, and a Nuclear Innovation and Research Advisory Board will be created "to ensure that public R&D programmes are aligned to support industrial and energy policy." Public civil nuclear R&D funding for 2010–11 was £66 million, which is low compared to some international competitors. The government will join the European Jules Horowitz Reactor research project.[78] In April 2013, EDF's negotiations with the government over the strike price for nuclear produced electricity stalled. EDF's chief executive stated EDF was "in no hurry" to agree the strike price, and was unconcerned if the negotiations failed. Commentators believed it would take several months to reach a conclusion.[79][80] The Office for National Statistics assessed that in 2015 the UK nuclear industry directly employed about 12,400 staff, though about 9,400 of those worked at Sellafield mostly on nuclear waste handling.[81][82] EDF's attribution of cost elements in Hinkley Point C electricity price[83] Element £/MWh Per cent of price Construction risk premium 35 38% Other financing costs 26 29% Operation & maintenance costs 19.5 21% Capital cost 11 12% Total electricity price 92.5 In 2016 EDF and the UK government finalised the £92.50/MWh contract for difference (linked to inflation – £128/MWh in 2022[84]) for the building of two EPR reactors at Hinkley Point C.[85][86] Small modular reactor development Rolls-Royce is preparing a small modular reactor (SMR) design called the Rolls-Royce SMR, a close-coupled four-loop PWR design. Power output is 470 MWe which is above the usual range considered to be a SMR.[87][88] It sought UK government finance to support further development.[89][90] In December 2017 The UK government provided funding of up to £56 million over three years to support research and development into advanced and small nuclear reactors.[91] In 2018 the UK SMR industry sought billions of pounds of government support to finance their putative First of a Kind projects. The Expert Finance Working Group on Small Reactors produced a report stating that there was "a current market failure in supporting nuclear projects generally" and identifying options for government to support SMR development in the UK.[92][93] The UK government, through UKRI, awarded £18 million in ISCF funding to a UK-based consortium led by Rolls-Royce, with matched funding of £18 million from industry. This first phase was formally concluded on 30 June 2021 and successfully developed a concept design.[94] In November 2021, the UK government provided £210 million, match funded by industry, in the second phase of development for the Rolls-Royce SMR.[95] In 2023, the UK government formed Great British Nuclear to oversee its policy, operating through British Nuclear Fuels Ltd in the Greater Manchester area, which includes a competitive choice of SMR suppliers for the UK.[96] GE-Hitachi’s BWRX-300 was announced in April 2023 as one of the competitors to the Rolls-Royce SMR.[97] However the full remit of Great British Nuclear, which was announced by the Boris Johnson government in 2022, still needs to be decided by the Rishi Sunak government including its budget and if eventually it will be a nuclear plant operator.[98] In July 2023, Energy Secretary Grant Shapps said he was launching an international competition to select up to four different SMR technologies "to go through to the final design stage", supported by up to £157 million of funding. He said the final investment decision will be taken by the next parliament, and UK SMRs might start operating by the 2030s.[99] Six technologies were selected for consideration, EDF NUWARD, GE Hitachi BWRX-300, Holtec International SMR-160+, NuScale Power, Rolls-Royce SMR and the Westinghouse AP300.[100][101] The cancellation for cost reasons in November 2023 of the first commercial SMR deployment in the U.S., using NuScale SMRs, has however cast doubt over whether SMRs in the UK would be economic.[102][103] Brexit negotiations to 2021 On 26 January 2017, the UK notified the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom) of its intention to withdraw, following on from its decision to withdraw from the European Union. Leaving will have wide-ranging implications for Britain's nuclear industry, including regulation and research, access to nuclear materials and impacts about twenty nuclear co-operation agreements with non-EU countries.[104][105] The UK withdrawal might raise the question of nuclear fuel availability after 2019 in the UK, and the need for the UK to enter into new treaties relating to the transportation of nuclear materials.[106] In 2018, the National College for Nuclear was opened at two hubs at Bridgwater and Taunton College and Lakes College largely funded by £22.5 million from the Department for Education, intended to service the building and operation of new build nuclear power plants.[107] In November 2018, the UK ratified the Generation IV International Forum (GIF) framework international collaboration agreement for research and development of Generation IV nuclear reactors.[108] In 2019, Wood sold its nuclear business, mostly decommissioning work at Sellafield, for £250 million to the US Jacobs Engineering Group, which has a global nuclear business.[109] In 2020, Energy Systems Catapult analysis suggested new 10 GW nuclear power in order to achieve net zero emissions by 2050.[110] In June 2020, Zion Lights, former spokesperson of Extinction Rebellion UK, declared her support for nuclear energy as a critical part of the energy mix along with renewable energy sources and called fellow environmentalists to accept that nuclear power is part of the "scientifically assessed solutions for addressing climate change".[111] In 2020, nuclear power generated 46 terawatt hours (TWh) of UK electricity, just over 15% of gross electricity generation, and about half its 1998 peak of 91 TWh.[112] In June 2021, EDF announced that Dungeness B would move into the defuelling phase with immediate effect, citing "station-specific risks within some key components, including parts within the fuel assemblies" identified since September 2018.[113] As of 2021, the British government's attitude to the involvement of China in British nuclear power had changed following worsening of China–United Kingdom relations, and it was exploring ways to block Chinese involvement, finance and their Bradwell B new nuclear development.[114][115] Regulated Asset Base financing model Following the abandonment of three large new nuclear developments at Moorside in 2018, and Wylfa Newydd and Oldbury B in 2020, primarily because the developers were unable to attract finance for the developments,[116] the Nuclear Energy (Financing) Bill was introduced in the House of Commons in October 2021. It enabled the Regulated Asset Base (RAB) financing model to be used for new nuclear, whereby consumers finance a portion of the capital costs during the construction period rather than the developers, which will reduce the cost of loans and other financing.[117][112][118] Consumers would not receive a financial return from their contributions, but would benefit later by having access to the electricity provided by the plant.[116] The Nuclear Energy (Financing) Act 2022 came into force on 31 March 2022.[119] The power and utilities executive at Barclays bank described the RAB model as providing "a high level of certainty and confidence and predictability for investors" and "structured to produce attractive, stable, low-risk and inflation-linked returns at scale".[120] A Government Support Package would be provided to give investors protection from specified low probability but high impact risks that the private sector would not be able to bear including the risk of cost overrun above a remote threshold, disruption to debt markets, some risks for which insurance is not available, and political risks.[118] As part of the 2022 British energy security strategy policy paper, it was announced that nuclear-generating capacity would increase from 7 GW to 24 GW by 2050 and the establishment of a new nuclear development agency named Great British Nuclear.[121] Security concerns about China also caused the government to buy China General Nuclear Power Group out of the proposed Sizewell C nuclear power station development for just over £100 million in late 2022, leaving it co-owned by EDF and the UK government.[122] On 7 January 2022, Hunterston B was closed and moved into defuelling earlier than planned due to cracks in the graphite bricks in the reactors.[123] In 2023, the civil nuclear sector in the UK employed about 77,400 people, of which 9,500 were involved with the Hinkley Point C new build.[124] In March 2023, EDF announced that the operational life of Heysham 1 and Hartlepool power stations would be extended a further two years until March 2026.[125] Power stations See also: List of commercial nuclear reactors § United Kingdom Operating Power station Type Net MWe Gross MWe Current operator Construction started Connected to grid Commercial operation Accounting closure date Hartlepool AGR 1185 1310 EDF Energy 1968 1983 1989 2026[125] Heysham 1 AGR 1222 1250 EDF Energy 1970 1983 1989 2026[125] Heysham 2 AGR 1230 1360 EDF Energy 1980 1988 1989 2028[126] Torness AGR 1205 1364 EDF Energy 1980 1988 1988 2028[126] Sizewell B PWR 1195 1250 EDF Energy 1988 1995 1995 2035 Since 2006, Hinkley Point B and Hunterston B have been restricted to about 70% of normal MWe output because of boiler-related problems requiring that they operate at reduced boiler temperatures.[127] In 2013, these two stations' power increased to about 80% of normal output following some plant modifications.[128] In 2010, EDF announced a five-year life extension for both Heysham 1 and Hartlepool to enable further generation until 2024.[129] As of 2012, EDF expected seven-year life extensions on average across all AGRs, including the recently life-extended Heysham 1 and Hartlepool. A 20-year life extension is the strategic target for the Sizewell B PWR. These life extensions are subject to detailed review and approval, and are not included in the table above.[6][130] Hinkley Point B and Hunterston B were given seven-year life extensions in December 2012, from 2016 to 2023.[131] Hartlepool had a five-year life extension in November 2013, from 2019 to 2024.[132] In November 2020, EDF announced that Hinkley Point B will stop generating electricity and move into the defuelling phase no later than 15 June 2022.[133][134] In December 2021, EDF announced that the closure dates for Heysham 2 and Torness were to be brought forward from 2030 to March 2028.[126] In March 2023, EDF announced that the closure dates for Heysham 1 and Hartlepool would be extended until March 2026.[125] Retired Power station Type Net MWe Construction started Connected to grid Commercial operation Closure Berkeley Magnox 276 1957 1962 1962 1989 Hunterston A Magnox 300 1957 1964 1964 1990 Trawsfynydd Magnox 390 1959 1965 1965 1991 Hinkley Point A Magnox 470 1957 1965 1965 2000 Bradwell Magnox 246 1957 1962 1962 2002 Calder Hall Magnox 200 1953 1956 1959 2003 Chapelcross Magnox 240 1955 1959 1960 2004 Dungeness A Magnox 450 1960 1965 1965 2006 Sizewell A Magnox 420 1961 1966 1966 2006 Oldbury Magnox 434 1962 1967 1968 2012 Wylfa Magnox 980 1963 1971 1972 2015 Dungeness B AGR 1040 1965 1983 1985 2021 Hunterston B AGR 1288 1967 1976 1976 2022 Hinkley Point B AGR 840 1967 1976 1976 2022 A number of research and development reactors also produced some power for the grid, including two Winfrith reactors, two Dounreay fast reactors, and the prototype Windscale Advanced Gas Cooled Reactor.[135] Economics History The reactor dome of the Sizewell B power station The history of nuclear energy economics in the UK is complex. The first Magnox reactors were not built for purely commercial purposes, and later reactors faced delays which inflated costs (culminating in Sizewell B taking seven years from start of construction to entering service, after a lengthy public inquiry). Costs have also been complicated by the lack of national strategy or policy for spent nuclear fuel, so that a mixed use of reprocessing and short-term storage have been employed, with little regard for long-term considerations (although a national repository has been proposed). There is a lack of consensus in the UK about the cost/benefit nature of nuclear energy, as well as ideological influence (for instance, those favouring 'energy security' generally arguing pro, while those worried about the 'environmental impact' against). Because of this, and a lack of a consistent energy policy in the UK since the mid-1990s, no new reactors have been built since Sizewell B in 1995. Costs have been a major influence to this, while the long lead-time between proposal and operation (at ten years or more) has put off many investors, especially with long-term considerations such as energy market regulation and nuclear waste remaining unresolved. Sizewell B was in 1995 expected to generate electricity at 3.5p/kWh (2000 prices, which is equivalent to £63/MWh in 2021), however a post-startup evaluation estimated generating cost was about 6p/kWh (2000 prices, equivalent to £107/MWh in 2021), excluding first-of-kind costs and using an 8% discount rate for the cost of capital.[136][137] Future power stations See also: Economics of new nuclear power plants From 2010 until 2015, it was UK Government policy that the construction of any new nuclear power stations in the UK would be led and financed by the private sector.[138] This transfers the running and immediate concerns to the operator, while reducing (although not eliminating) government participation and long-term involvement/liability (nuclear waste, as involving government policy, will likely remain a liability, even if only a limited one). In 2010 The Daily Telegraph reported that additional incentives, such as capacity payments and supplier nuclear obligations, would be needed to persuade companies to build nuclear plants in the UK.[139] The government decided to subsidize nuclear power again in 2015.[140] When the rest of the UK generating industry was privatised, the Government introduced the Non-Fossil Fuel Obligation, initially as a means of supporting the nuclear generators, which remained under state ownership until the formation of British Energy. British Energy, the private sector company that operated the UK's more modern nuclear plants, came close to bankruptcy and in 2004 was restructured with UK government investment of over £3 billion, although this has since been paid back in full. In January 2009, British Energy was bought for approximately £12 billion by EDF Energy (a subsidiary of Électricité de France (EDF)) and Centrica (a major operator of CCGT power stations and renewable sources in the UK and parent company of British Gas) in an 80/20 split. In January 2008, the UK government indicated that it would take steps to encourage private operators to build new nuclear power plants in the following years to meet projected energy needs. The government stated that there would be no subsidies for nuclear power. The Government hoped that the first station would be operational before 2020.[48] However, the Welsh Government remains opposed to new nuclear plants in Wales despite the approval of Wylfa as a potential site. Scotland has decided against new nuclear power stations. In May 2008, The Times reported that Wulf Bernotat, chairman and chief executive of E.ON, had stated that the cost of each new nuclear power plant in the UK could be as high as €6 billion (£4.8 billion), much higher than the Government's estimate of £2.8 billion. The cost of replacing Britain's ten nuclear power stations could therefore reach £48 billion, excluding the cost of decommissioning ageing reactors or dealing with nuclear waste.[141] On 29 March 2012, E.ON and RWE npower, which had formed the joint venture Horizon to build NPPs in the United Kingdom, announced that they would not develop new nuclear power projects in the UK, focusing instead on shorter term investments, and were looking to find another company to take over Horizon.[142][143] On 29 October 2012 it was announced that Hitachi would buy Horizon for about £700 million. Hitachi intend to build two or three 1,350 MWe Advanced boiling water reactors (ABWR) at Oldbury and Wylfa, but will first require a Generic Design Assessment for the ABWR design by the Office for Nuclear Regulation, which will take about four years.[67][68] In June 2012, in research commissioned by EDF, the Institute for Public Policy Research suggested that building 18 GW of new nuclear energy capacity in the UK, with more than 10 new reactors, could create between 16,250 and 21,250 additional jobs, and enable the UK to compete in the international market for nuclear energy.[144][145] The Institute of Directors also published a report stating that nuclear energy is a "clean, cheap and safe" way of generating electricity, with 84% of its members in favour of new nuclear power in Britain.[146] However, The Times reported the cost of building each EPR had increased to £7 billion, which Citigroup analysts did not regard as commercially viable, projecting a generation cost of 16.6p/kWh for private-sector financed reactors.[147] On 21 October 2013, EDF Energy announced that an agreement had been reached regarding new nuclear plants to be built on the site of Hinkley Point C. EDF Group and the UK Government agreed on the key commercial terms of the investment contract. The final investment decision was still conditional on completion of the remaining key steps, including the agreement of the EU Commission.[148] In 2015, the UK government proposed to provide large subsidies to the Hinkley Point C plant, paying twice the market rate for electricity.[140] A 2015 model-based study compares renewables plus storage, nuclear, and fossil fuels with and without carbon capture and storage. The study finds that, for the scenarios considered, costs were similar at about 0.084 /kWh at up to 50% renewables and rose for renewables above an 80% share as grid-scale storage, imports, and tidal range generation were applied.[149] Rolls-Royce is preparing a small modular reactor (SMR) design called the Rolls-Royce SMR, a close-coupled four-loop PWR design. Power output is 440 MWe which is above the usual range considered to be a SMR. As of 2017 Rolls-Royce was seeking UK government finance to support further development.[87] In 2018, the UK government announced £56 million of spending to fund initial SMR research and development for eight companies.[150] In 2017, a consensus of government and industry developed that the Contract for Difference financing model used for Hinkley Point C nuclear power station, involving fully private sector financing, may not used for subsequent nuclear plants, and discussions with government are under way about alternative finance mechanisms for the following possible development at Wylfa by Horizon Nuclear Power for parent Hitachi.[151][152] However, on 17 January 2019, Horizon announced that it was suspending its UK nuclear development programme.[153] The UK government had been willing to take a one-third equity stake in the project, to consider providing all the required debt financing, and to provide a Contract for Difference for the electricity generated at up to £75/MWh for 35 years. Greg Clark, minister for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, stated this was a "generous package of potential support that goes beyond what any government has been willing to consider in the past". However this did not provide an adequate "economic rationality as a private enterprise" for Hitachi to proceed.[154] In April 2020, a director of Horizon Nuclear Power stated that the future of next two nuclear builds, Wylfa and Oldbury, depended on the government accepting the Regulated Asset Base (RAB) financial assistance model rather than the existing Contract for Difference support mechanism, which would allow developers to need less upfront private finance with some finance backed through end consumer bills.[155] On 2 June 2020, EDF Energy announced that it had submitted a development consent order to the UK government prior to starting construction on the Sizewell C site in Suffolk.[156] However EDF have yet to organise financing, and cannot take on more construction risk in the UK. EDF is looking to the UK government to assist on financing either by offering a Regulated Asset Base model, though that puts an immediate cost burden on end consumers, or through other approaches such as a government equity stake in the development.[157] On 30 June, EDF announced that it had applied to the Office for Nuclear Regulation for a licence to build and operate Sizewell C.[158] On 24 September 2020, when Prime Minister Boris Johnson was asked about new technology in the UK's fight against climate change, he reaffirmed support for nuclear power in the UK, by saying to the BBC, "I do think nuclear has to be part of the mix", whilst also saying that the UK can be the "Saudi Arabia of wind power".[159] List Proposed nuclear power stations in the United Kingdom, with currently shelved proposals in italics, are:[160] Name Location Proposed output Proposed builder Proposed reactor type start of construction proposed start of generation Link Notes Bradwell B Essex 2.2 GW CGN and EDF Hualong One 2025 (proposed) 2030 [1] Target commercial operation date about 2030[161] Hinkley Point C Somerset 3.2 GW EDF EPR 2018 2023 (now expected 2028) [2] Construction began December 2018 Moorside Cumbria 3-3.4 GW NuGeneration AP1000 Cancelled - [3] 8 November 2018 Toshiba announced withdrawal from the development[162] Moorside clean energy hub Cumbria 3.2 GW EDF EPR - - Proposed July 2020 Oldbury B Gloucestershire 2.7 GW Horizon Nuclear Power ABWR Cancelled [4] Shelved in January 2019[163] Sizewell C Suffolk 3.2 GW EDF and CGN EPR 2021 (proposed)(not yet started) [5] Public consultation began in 2012[164] Granted development consent by the government in 2022[165] Wylfa Newydd Anglesey 3.0 GW Horizon Nuclear Power ABWR Cancelled [6] Shelved in January 2019.[163] Total of active proposals 11.8 GW Two other sites, Heysham and Hartlepool, were identified as possible locations in 2010 but no commercial proposals were made for these sites.[166] Moorside clean energy hub Following the cancellation of the Moorside project by Toshiba, on 30 June 2020 EDF announced proposals to construct an EPR on the site. This would be a near replica of Hinkley Point C and Sizewell C in order to reduce the overall costs of the project. The plans come as a part of a proposed clean energy hub for the area which is backed by 14 other companies and trade unions including the UK construction firm Balfour Beatty and the union Unite. The consortium claims that 25,000 jobs will be created with the construction of the hub. The hub is also aiming to use existing nuclear supply chains within the area and also be the site of SMRs and AMRs in the future.[167][168] Sizewell C The project has completed its stage 4 consultation, which is allowing EDF to submit its planning application which is expected to be at the start of 2020, before a decision is made on the plant's future in 2020. After this, construction is expected to start around 2021, with an accelerated timeline due to the replication of the Hinkley point C power plant on the site. On 27 May 2020, EDF energy put in a development consent order application, prior to the start of construction at the site.[164] Waste management and disposal The UK has a large variety of different intermediate- and high-level radioactive wastes, coming from national programmes to develop nuclear weapons and nuclear power. It is a national responsibility to pay for the management of these. In addition, new nuclear power stations could be built, the waste management from which would be the private sector's financial responsibility, although all would be stored in a single facility.[169] Most of the UK's higher-activity radioactive waste is currently held in temporary storage at Sellafield. As of 2019, the 60-years long nuclear programme produced 2,150 cubic metres (76,000 cu ft) of high-level waste.[170] The UK has approximately 70,000 tonnes of irradiated graphite, mainly as moderator in Magnox and AGR reactors. Most of its radioactivity will have decayed away 60–70 years after reactor closure, but its carbon-14 content is a long-term radiological hazard which can be released in gaseous form making it a large volume intermediate-level waste. Research on how to handle this waste is ongoing, which will lead to an informed decision on management.[171] On 31 July 2006, the Committee on Radioactive Waste Management (CoRWM), published its final report on long-term waste management.[172] Its main recommendation was that geological disposal should be adopted. This would involve burial of high-level waste at 200 to 1,000 metres (660 to 3,280 ft) deep in a purpose-built facility with no intention to retrieve the waste in the future. It was concluded that this could not be implemented for several decades, and that there were "social and ethical concerns within UK society about the disposal option that would need to be resolved as part of the implementation process". Such a repository should start to be closed as soon as practicable rather than being left open for future generations. Fourteen additional recommendations were also made. On 12 June 2008, a white paper, Managing Radioactive Waste Safely, A Framework for Implementing Geological Disposal was published confirming CoRWM's conclusion of geologic disposal of higher-activity wastes. The policy announcement confirmed that there would be one geologic disposal site, for both national legacy waste as well as potential wastes from future programmes. It announced that a process of volunteerism would be used in selecting a suitable site and invited communities from the UK to express interest. They would be rewarded by the infrastructure investment for the facility, jobs for the long term and a tailored package of benefits.[169] In January 2014, the building of the first dry spent PWR nuclear fuel store in the UK began at Sizewell B, where the existing spent fuel pool, which stores spent fuel under water, was expected to reach full capacity in 2015.[173] It is intended to enable spent nuclear fuel produced from 2016 until at least 2035 to be stored at Sizewell B until a deep geological repository is available.[174] In March 2017, the first cask containing spent nuclear fuel was installed.[175] In 2023, UK Nuclear Waste Services (NWS), launched in January 2022, began studies to evaluate sites that could be suitable for a geological disposal facility in locally-agreed community partnerships areas in Allerdale and Copeland in Cumbria near the Sellafield plant, and in Theddlethorpe in Lincolnshire. After any site is selected, it would take 10-15 years for further detailed investigative work.[176] Decommissioning See also: Deep geological repository § United Kingdom The Windscale Piles (currently being decommissioned) Responsibility The Nuclear Decommissioning Authority (NDA), formed in April 2005 under the Energy Act 2004, oversees and manages the decommissioning and clean-up of the UK's older Magnox power plants and the reprocessing facilities at Sellafield, which were transferred to its ownership from BNFL, and the former nuclear research and development facilities previously run by the UKAEA. Sites In August 2005, the following sites were listed for decommissioning:[177] Berkeley, Gloucestershire Bradwell, Essex Calder Hall, Cumbria Capenhurst, Cheshire Chapelcross, Dumfriesshire Culham, Oxfordshire Dounreay, Caithness Drigg, Cumbria Dungeness, Kent Harwell, Oxfordshire Hinkley Point, Somerset Hunterston, Ayrshire Oldbury, Gloucestershire Sellafield / Windscale, Cumbria Sizewell, Suffolk Springfields, Lancashire Trawsfynydd, Gwynedd Winfrith, Dorset Wylfa, Isle of Anglesey Costs Prior to the 2002 white paper Managing the Nuclear Legacy, the cost of decommissioning these[vague] facilities had been estimated at around £42 billion.[178] The white paper estimated the costs at £48 billion at March 2002 prices, an increase of £6bn, with the cost of decommissioning Sellafield accounting for over 65% of the total.[179] This figure included a rise in BNFL's estimated decommissioning liabilities from £35 billion to £40.5 billion,[180] with an estimate of £7.4 billion for UKAEA.[179] In June 2003, the Department of Trade and Industry estimated that decommissioning costs, including the cost of running the facilities still in operation for their remaining life, were approximately £56 billion at 2003 prices, although the figure was 'almost certainly' expected to rise.[181] This estimate was revised in subsequent years; to £57 billion in September 2004; £63 billion in September 2005; £65 billion in March 2006; and to £73 billion in March 2007.[182][183] Around £46 billion of the £73 billion is for the decommissioning and clean-up of the Sellafield site.[184] In May 2008 a senior director at the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority indicated that the figure of £73 billion might increase by several billion pounds.[185] In 2019, the cost was given as £129 billion.[186] In addition to The Nuclear Decommissioning Authority's costs, British Energy's liabilities in relation to spent nuclear fuels have risen. In February 2006, it was reported that these had increased to £5.3 billion, an increase of almost £1 billion.[187] The costs of handling these is to be met by the Nuclear Liabilities Fund (NLF), the successor to the Nuclear Generation Decommissioning Fund. Although British Energy contributes to the NLF, the fund is underwritten by the Government. The House of Commons Public Accounts Committee noted in 2007 that British Energy may lack an incentive to reduce the eventual liabilities falling to the Nuclear Liabilities Fund.[188] Safety Seismicity See also: List of earthquakes in the United Kingdom and Tsunamis in the United Kingdom Until the expansion of nuclear power in the 1980s, seismic activity in the UK had not received a great deal of attention.[189] As a result of the new interest in the topic, in 1994 the British Geological Survey published a catalogue of earthquakes.[189] Although earthquakes are relatively frequent, they rarely cause damage to well-constructed structures. Two of the largest, estimated at 5.75 (moderate) on the Richter scale occurred in 1382 and 1580.[189] Evaluation of past earthquakes indicates that the UK is unlikely to be subject to earthquakes larger than a magnitude of approximately 6.5.[190] The occurrence of tsunamis impacting the UK is rare, with only two (possibly three) having been identified; a 3 m (9.8 ft) high wave as a result of the 1755 Lisbon earthquake, and a 21 m (69 ft) high tsunami in 6100 BC which occurred under very different geological conditions (Storegga Slide). In recent years there has been an accumulation of evidence indicating that the 1607 Bristol Channel floods may also have resulted from a tsunami that rose from a height of 4 m (13 ft) to over 6 m (20 ft) as it passed up the channel.[191] A 2005 report for DEFRA, conducted following the 2004 Boxing Day Tsunami, found that, discounting 'exotic events such as meteorite impacts', 'in most plausible circumstances it is likely that such an event would be contained by current defences, designed to resist storm surges, for all major developed areas', however the joint occurrence of events, such as a tsunami coinciding with a storm surge, was discounted.[192] The report did, however call for additional more detailed modelling to be carried out, recommended that the Met Office should provide a tsunami warning service, and that detection devices should be upgraded. A follow-up report indicated that, of the three likely scenarios modelled, a Lisbon-type event would pose the greatest danger, potentially resulting in a tsunami wave exceeding the 1:100-year extreme sea level at the Cornish peninsula by up to 1.4 m (4 ft 7 in), but being within the range elsewhere.[193] This conclusion is markedly different from the greater heights calculated by Bryant and Haslett as having been encountered in the Bristol Channel during the 1607 Bristol Channel floods.[191] Speaking before the Energy and Climate Change Select Committee on 15 March 2011, about the Fukushima I nuclear accidents, Energy and Climate Change Minister Chris Huhne expressed concern over extreme weather events in the UK, but stated that 'we are lucky that we do not have to suffer from tsunamis'.[59] Accidents See also: Nuclear accidents by country and Lists of nuclear disasters and radioactive incidents Nuclear power incidents in the UK[194][195] Date Location Description INES level Fatalities Cost (in millions 2006 US$) 19 April 2005 Sellafield 20 tonnes of uranium and 160 kg (350 lb) plutonium leak from a cracked pipe at the Thorp nuclear fuel reprocessing plant into a secondary containment vessel[194][195] 2[citation needed] 3[196] 0 65 Security The Civil Nuclear Constabulary is responsible for security at civil nuclear sites, within 5 km (3.1 miles) of site boundaries, and for nuclear materials in transit. The UK is involved in the Nuclear Security Summit series of world summits held since 2010. During 2016 the UK and the US staged a training exercise simulating a cyber-attack on a nuclear power station.[197] Public opinion and protests See also: Anti-nuclear movement in the United Kingdom In March 2006, a protest took place in Derby where campaigners handed a letter to Margaret Beckett, head of DEFRA, outside Derby City Council about the dangers of nuclear power stations. Dounreay In the early 1990s, concern was raised in the United Kingdom about the effect of nuclear power plants on unborn children, when clusters of leukaemia cases were discovered nearby to some of these plants. The effect was speculative because clusters were also found where no nuclear plants were present, and not all plants had clusters around them. Detailed studies carried out by the Committee on Medical Aspects of Radiation in the Environment (COMARE) in 2003 found no evidence of raised childhood cancer around nuclear power plants, but did find an excess of leukaemia and non-Hodgkin's lymphoma (NHL) near other nuclear installations including Sellafield, AWE Burghfield and UKAEA Dounreay. COMARE's opinion is that "the excesses around Sellafield and Dounreay are unlikely to be due to chance, although there is not at present a convincing explanation for them".[198] An opinion poll in Britain in 2002 by MORI on behalf of Greenpeace showed large support for wind power and a majority for putting an end to nuclear energy if the costs were the same.[199] In November 2005, a YouGov poll conducted by business advisory firm Deloitte found that 36% of the UK population supported the use of nuclear power, though 62% would support an energy policy that combines nuclear along with renewable technologies.[200] The same survey also revealed high public expectations for the future rate of renewables development – with 35% expecting the majority of electricity to come from renewables in only 15 years, which is more than double the government's expectation. In the early 2000s, there was a heated discussion about nuclear waste,[201] leading to the creation of the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority (see above). A large nationally representative 2010 British survey about energy issues found that public opinion is divided on the issue of nuclear power. The majority of people are concerned about nuclear power and public trust in the government and nuclear industry remains relatively low. The survey showed that there is a clear preference for renewable energy sources over nuclear power.[202] According to a national opinion poll, support for nuclear power in the UK dropped by twelve per cent following the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster.[203] However, support recovered within a few months.[204][205] In October 2011, more than 200 protesters blockaded the Hinkley Point C nuclear power station site. Members of several anti-nuclear groups that are part of the Stop New Nuclear alliance barred access to the site in protest at EDF Energy's plans to renew the site with two new reactors.[206] In January 2012, three hundred anti-nuclear protesters took to the streets of Llangefni, against plans to build a new nuclear power station at Wylfa. The march was organised by a number of organisations, including Pobl Atal Wylfa B, Greenpeace and Cymdeithas yr Iaith, which are supporting farmer Richard Jones who is in dispute with Horizon.[207] In July 2012, a YouGov poll reported that 63% of UK respondents agreed that nuclear generation should be part of the country's energy mix, up from 61% in 2010. Opposition fell to 11%.[208] In February 2013, a YouGov poll published in the Sunday Times found that nuclear was the most popular choice to provide for Britain's future energy needs.[209][210][211] In February 2013, a poll published by Ipsos MORI which queried 1046 British individuals determined that support for new nuclear generation capacity was at 42%, with the proportion opposed to new nuclear generation being reported as unchanged at 20%, close to the lowest recorded proportion, by the agency in 2010, of 19% opposed. The results also report that the proportion that was undecided or neutral had increased, and it stood at 38%.[212] In 2013, a survey by Harris Interactive of more than 2,000 UK respondents found that 'one in four people (24%) considered nuclear power to offer the greatest potential' alongside solar (23%) and ahead of wind power (18%). Immediately following the announcement of the agreement between EDF and the UK government, 35% considered it to be a positive step, 21% felt it was a negative development and 28% were indifferent.[213] The Green Party programme postulates that "nuclear power, coal and incineration of waste will be phased out" (EN014), although this position is debated within the party, as a significant group of members called for review of the policy, which they consider anti-scientific and "irrational" and consider introduction of zero-emission nuclear power, along with renewable energy sources, to be a critical instrument for mitigation of climate change.[214][215] In a 2021 YouGov poll, 65% of those surveyed said nuclear power should play a role in the country's climate policy and 12% expressed strong anti-nuclear sentiment, while 46% were aware that nuclear power is a low-carbon energy source.[216] Nuclear power in Scotland Main article: Nuclear power in Scotland Though the UK Government has recently given the go-ahead for a new generation of nuclear power stations to be built, the Scottish Government has made clear that no new nuclear power stations will be built in Scotland and is aiming instead for a non-nuclear future. This was made clear when First Minister Alex Salmond said there was 'no chance' of any new nuclear power stations being built in Scotland.[48] In 2008, the Scottish Government's stance was backed by the Scottish Parliament that voted 63–58 to support the Scottish Government's policy of opposing new nuclear power stations.[217] See also iconEnergy portalNuclear technology portalflagUnited Kingdom portal Anti-nuclear movement in the United Kingdom Nuclear energy in Ireland Nuclear energy policy Nuclear or Not? Politics of the United Kingdom References "UK ENERGY IN BRIEF 2021" (PDF). Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy. p. 28. Retrieved 24 January 2022. "Nuclear Power in the World Today: Updated March 2022". World Nuclear Association. Retrieved 19 April 2022. "Osborne hails UK nuclear deal with China as 'new dawn'". FT. 17 October 2013. Archived from the original on 11 December 2022. Retrieved 25 October 2014. 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More CIA stories from John Stockwell: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Embark on an emotional odyssey with former CIA official John Stockwell as he returns to Vietnam alongside his Vietnamese wife and son. This poignant trip, months in the making, involved navigating bureaucratic hurdles for visas, evoking a complex tapestry of sentiments within John and his family, given his prior work in the country during the war's final stages. In this gripping interview recorded in December 1985, John intimately narrates his observations of Vietnam's landscape, its resilient people, and the government's efforts toward post-war recovery. Delving into a wealth of articles and books chronicling Vietnam's contemporary state, John provides a profound analysis, shedding light on the government's multifaceted approaches to tackle the nation's vast challenges, both economic and political. Amidst Vietnam's journey toward healing, John reveals a sobering reality: the nation remains embroiled in conflict, fending off a forceful Chinese invasion while engaging in military operations in Cambodia. Adding complexity to this landscape, the U.S. is quietly orchestrating a covert CIA operation against Vietnam. This interview offers a rare glimpse into his profound encounters in the country, spanning from wartime endeavors to the present, capturing the enduring spirit of Vietnam amid ongoing struggles and aspirations for peace. The communists renamed the city after Ho Chi Minh, former President of North Vietnam, although the name "Saigon" continued to be used by many residents and others.[91] Order was slowly restored, although the by-then-deserted U.S. Embassy was looted, along with many other businesses. Communications between the outside world and Saigon were cut. The Viet Cong machinery in South Vietnam was weakened, owing in part to the Phoenix Program, so the PAVN was responsible for maintaining order and General Trần Văn Trà, Dũng's administrative deputy, was placed in charge of the city.[70] The new authorities held a victory rally on 7 May.[92] One objective of the Communist Party of Vietnam was to reduce the population of Saigon, which had become swollen with an influx of people during the war and was now overcrowded with high unemployment. "Re-education classes" for former soldiers in the ARVN indicated that in order to regain full standing in society they would need to move from the city and take up farming. Handouts of rice to the poor, while forthcoming, were tied to pledges to leave Saigon for the countryside. According to the Vietnamese government, within two years of the capture of the city one million people had left Saigon, and the state had a target of 500,000 further departures.[91] Following the end of the war, according to official and non-official estimates, between 200,000 and 300,000 South Vietnamese were sent to re-education camps, where many endured torture, starvation, and disease while they were being forced to do hard labor.[93][94][95] The evacuation Whether the evacuation had been successful or not has been questioned following the end of the war. Operation Frequent Wind was generally assessed as an impressive achievement—Văn Tiến Dũng stated this in his memoirs and The New York Times described it as being carried out with "efficiency and bravery".[96] On the other hand, the airlift was also criticized for being too slow and hesitant, and it was inadequate in removing Vietnamese civilians and soldiers who were connected with the American presence.[citation needed] The U.S. State Department estimated that the Vietnamese employees of the U.S. Embassy in South Vietnam, past and present, and their families totaled 90,000 people. In his testimony to Congress, Ambassador Martin asserted that 22,294 such people were evacuated by the end of April.[97] In 1977, National Review alleged that some 30,000 South Vietnamese had been systematically killed using a list of CIA informants left behind by the U.S. embassy.[98] An iconic photograph of evacuees entering a CIA Air America helicopter on the roof of the apartment building at 22 Gia Long Street is frequently mischaracterized as showing an evacuation from the "U.S. Embassy" via a "military" helicopter.[99] Commemoration 30 April is celebrated as a public holiday in Vietnam as Reunification Day (though the official reunification actually occurred on 2 July 1976) or Liberation Day (Ngày giải phóng). Along with International Workers' Day on 1 May, most people take the day off work and there are public celebrations.[100] Among most overseas Vietnamese, the week of 30 April is referred to as "Black April" and it is also commemorated as a time of lamentation for the fall of Saigon and South Vietnam as a whole.[101] In popular culture Miss Saigon, A Better Tomorrow III: Love & Death in Saigon and The Deer Hunter including the scenery of the fall of Saigon. Some video records during the fall of Saigon was featured in the seventh season of the Canadian made, internationally distributed documentary series Mayday, in the episode "Operation Babylift", which covered the C-5 plane crash prior to this event. Liberate Saigon [vi] (Giải phóng Sài Gòn) is a 2005 Vietnamese film dramatizing the battle for the capture of Saigon.[102] See also flagVietnam portal Indochina refugee crisis Re-education camp (Vietnam) John Riordan Fall of Kabul (2021) Fall of Phnom Penh References Ho Chi Minh Campaign (30 April 1975) (Vietnamese: Chiến dịch Hồ Chí Minh lịch sử (30/4/1975)) "Trận chiến bi hùng của Bộ đội xe tăng Trung đoàn 273: 9 xe bị bắn cháy ngay trước giờ toàn thắng". Archived from the original on 27 May 2022. Retrieved 26 March 2022. Lam, Andrew (29 April 2015). "Op-Ed: Is it Liberation Day or Defeat Day in Saigon?". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 16 February 2016. Retrieved 13 February 2016. Austin, Lewis C. (1 October 1976). "Giai Phong! The Fall and Liberation of Saigon, by Tiziano Terzani". Foreign Affairs. Archived from the original on 16 February 2016. Retrieved 13 February 2016. Long, Ngo Vinh (1993). "Post-Paris Agreement Struggles and the Fall of Saigon". In Werner, Jayne Susan; Huynh, Luu Doan (eds.). The Vietnam War: Vietnamese and American Perspectives. M.E. Sharpe. p. 204. ISBN 9780765638632. Archived from the original on 30 April 2023. Retrieved 7 September 2019.; Thap, Nguyen Thi (2012). "Returning to my Home Village". In Dutton, George; Werner, Jayne; Whitmore, John K. (eds.). Sources of Vietnamese Tradition. Columbia University Press. pp. 547–53. ISBN 9780231511100. Archived from the original on 30 April 2023. Retrieved 7 September 2019. Yoshida, Kenichi (23 April 2017). "Was it 'fall' or 'liberation' of Saigon?". The Nation Thailand. Archived from the original on 4 April 2023. Retrieved 23 April 2022. "Chào mừng kỷ niệm 47 năm Ngày Giải phóng Miền Nam (30/4/1975 – 30/4/2022)" [Welcoming the 47th anniversary of the Liberation of the South (30/4/1975 – 30/4/2022)]. Online Newspaper of the Communist Party of Vietnam (in Vietnamese). Archived from the original on 23 April 2022. Retrieved 23 April 2022. "Reliving the fall of Saigon with Vietnam vets and journalists". PBS NewsHour. 30 April 2015. Retrieved 2 May 2023. Walsh, Kenneth T. (30 April 2015). "The U.S. and Vietnam: 40 Years After the Fall of Saigon". U.S. News & World Report. Archived from the original on 4 November 2018. Retrieved 3 November 2018.. Multiple sources: "Last American Ground Combat Unit Is Deactivated in South Vietnam". The New York Times. 12 August 1972. Archived from the original on 5 May 2021. Retrieved 9 April 2020. John J. Valdez. "The Last to Leave". fallofsaigon.org. Archived from the original on 9 October 2015. Retrieved 12 October 2015. "I think we got all the Americans out who wanted to leave. Some of them elected to stay there, mostly reporters." (originally published in the May 1975 issue of Leatherneck Magazine) Krich, Claudia (3 May 2015). "Eyewitness to the 'fall' of Vietnam: It was not a bloodbath". The Davis Enterprise. p. B5. Archived from the original on 28 September 2015. Retrieved 12 October 2015. (The article describes the experiences of three American women who stayed in Saigon) Laurie, Jim. "Vietnam 2015 – 40 years on". Archived from the original on 17 November 2015. (Article by an American journalist who chose not to be evacuated) "Americans who stayed on may be source of sightings". New Straits Times. 3 August 1991. Archived from the original on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 13 October 2015. (Article asserting that about 70 Americans stayed behind and containing details of some individual cases) "The Last Days in Vietnam". Movie review. Archived from the original on 18 November 2015. Retrieved 13 October 2015. "This is a story about a few brave, good people who stayed behind in order to not leave anyone behind." (mentions NBC correspondents Jim Laurie and Neil Davis who stayed after the evacuation) Dunham, Maj. George R.; Quinlan, Col. David A. (1990). U.S. Marines in Vietnam: The Bitter End, 1973–1975 (Marine Corps Vietnam Operational Histories Series) (PDF). Washington DC: History & Museums Division; Headquarters, U.S. Marine Corps. ISBN 978-0-16-026455-9. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 July 2021. Retrieved 3 May 2021.Public Domain This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. Desbarats, Jacqueline. "Repression in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam: Executions and Population Relocation", from The Vietnam Debate (1990) by John Morton Moore. Bharath, Deepa (29 April 2011). "O.C. Black April events commemorate fall of Saigon". Orange County Register. Archived from the original on 12 December 2013. Retrieved 18 January 2014. Nguyen, Hien. "How Saigon became Ho Chi Minh City". VnExpress International. Archived from the original on 26 May 2022. Retrieved 23 April 2022. "Black April". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 21 December 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013. "Black April". UNAVSA Knowledge. Archived from the original on 10 December 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013. "April 30th 1975, betrayed and abandoned". vnafmamn.com. Archived from the original on 10 November 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013. Secretary of State. "Assembly Concurrent Resolution No. 220 Chapter 74 Relative to Black April Memorial Week". Legislative Counsel's Digest. California Legislative Information. Archived from the original on 12 December 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013. Kurhi, Eric (30 April 2013). "Black April ceremony honors Vietnam War soldiers in San Jose". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from the original on 11 December 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013. Bharath, Deepa (29 April 2011). "O.C. Black April events commemorate fall of Saigon". Orange County Register. Archived from the original on 12 December 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013. Bharath, Deepa (25 April 2008). "Black April events commemorate fall of Saigon". Orange County Register. Archived from the original on 18 May 2009. Retrieved 28 May 2009. "Audio Slideshow: Black April". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 4 May 2009. Retrieved 28 May 2009. Trần, Mỹ-Thuận (30 April 2009). "Orange County's Vietnamese immigrants reflect on historic moment". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 3 May 2009. Retrieved 28 May 2009. Dzũng, Đỗ (30 April 2009). "Tưởng niệm Tháng Tư Đen ở Quận Cam". Báo Người Việt. Archived from the original on 2 May 2009. Retrieved 28 May 2009. Todd 1990, p. 433. Tanner 2000, p. 303. Dawson 1977, p. xiii. Snepp 1977, p. 280. Todd 1990, p. 248. Todd 1990, p. 249. "On This Day | 21 April | 1975: Vietnam's President Thieu resigns". BBC Home. 21 April 2008. Archived from the original on 22 November 2010. Dawson 1977, p. xv. Willbanks 2004, p. 257. Weinraub, Bernard (1 April 1975). "Attack on Saigon Feared; Danang Refugee Sealift is Halted by Rocket Fire". The New York Times. p. 1. Pike 1970. Tanner 2000, p. 312. Dawson 1977, p. xiv. Butterfield, Fox (2 April 1975). "Many Americans Quit Vietnam; U.S. Denies Evacuation Orders". The New York Times. p. 1. Archived from the original on 16 August 2021. Retrieved 16 August 2021. Snepp 1977, p. 312. Snepp 1977, p. 304. Kissinger 2003, pp. 540–41. Snepp 1977, p. 330. Snepp 1977, p. 303. Snepp 1977, p. 352. Brown 1976, p. 318. Todd 1990, p. 311. Lipman, Jana K. (2014). "A Refugee Camp in America: Fort Chaffee and Vietnamese and Cuban Refugees, 1975–1982". Journal of American Ethnic History. 33 (2): 58. doi:10.5406/jamerethnhist.33.2.0057. JSTOR 10.5406/jamerethnhist.33.2.0057. Archived from the original on 25 January 2021. Retrieved 23 January 2021. "Anticipating political and presumably personal freedom within the United States, numerous refugees found themselves unexpectedly waiting days, and at times weeks and months, in military compounds.... The 1975 Vietnamese refugees were disproportionately former active members of the South Viet-namese military and government" Snepp 1977, p. 287. Snepp 1977, p. 316. Snepp 1977, p. 289. Snepp 1977, p. 319. Todd 1990, p. 296. Todd 1990, p. 298. "Saigon Hears the Fighting at Its Edge". The New York Times. 28 April 1975. Archived from the original on 6 March 2016. Retrieved 25 September 2016. Vietnam Newport Bridge on YouTube Willbanks 2004, p. 275. Tobin, Thomas (1978). USAF Southeast Asia Monograph Series Volume IV Monograph 6: Last Flight from Saigon. U.S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 9781410205711.Public Domain This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. Todd 1990, p. 347. Smith 1975. Tanner 2000, p. 313. Todd 1990, p. 353. Schudel, Matt (31 March 2014). "Thomas Polgar, CIA official during the fall of Saigon, dies". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 9 March 2016. Retrieved 24 November 2016. Esper, George, "Copters Ending Vietnam Era", The Washington Star, Washington, D.C., Tuesday 29 April 1975, p. A-1. Todd 1990, p. 366. Todd 1990, p. 367. Snepp 1977, p. 478. Tanner 2000, p. 314. Todd 1990, p. 370. Snepp 1977, p. 551. Snepp 1977, p. 568. Isaacs 1983, p. 393. Moise 1988, p. 15. Veith, George (2012). Black April The Fall of South Vietnam 1973–75. Encounter Books. pp. 488–489. ISBN 9781594035722. Associated Press, "Minh Surrenders, Vietcong In Saigon". Oliver, Myrna (8 August 2001). "Duong Van Minh; Last President of S. Vietnam". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 4 October 2012. Retrieved 11 October 2009. Terzani, Tiziano (1976). Giai Phong! The Fall and Liberation of Saigon. Angus & Robertson (U.K.) Ltd. pp. 92–96. ISBN 0207957126. "Reunion of the Veterans organization of Tank Amour force in the South Vietnam". Dinh Độc Lập official website. 28 April 2020. Archived from the original on 15 January 2022. Retrieved 14 January 2022. Ryan, Jane (8 September 2015). "Revered war cameraman Neil Davis remembered". ABC News. Archived from the original on 14 January 2022. Retrieved 14 January 2022. "Pride and obscurity: the historic crew of Vietnam's 'Tank 390'". Agence France-Presse. 24 April 2015. Archived from the original on 30 April 2023. Retrieved 14 January 2022. Nguyen Ha Minh (Reuters) (29 April 2015). "Vietnam's war heroes get star treatment 40 years after fall of Saigon". The Sydney Morning Herald reposted. Archived from the original on 14 January 2022. Retrieved 14 January 2022. {{cite web}}: |author= has generic name (help) Prime Minister of Vietnam (1 October 2012), "Decision No. 1426/QD-TTg on recognization of national precious objects", luatminhkhue.vn, Hanoi, archived from the original on 18 July 2020, retrieved 14 January 2022 Khanh Nguyen-Doan Hiep (27 April 2010), "Famous person with simple life", People's Army Newspaper, Hanoi, archived from the original on 14 January 2022, retrieved 14 January 2022 Mai Huong (27 June 2012), "2nd Corps headed to Sai Gon from Southeast direction", Sai Gon Giai Phong Online (in Vietnamese), Ho Chi Minh City, archived from the original on 14 January 2022, retrieved 14 January 2022 Leong, Ernest (31 October 2009), "Vietnam Tries to Create New Image 30 Years After End of War", Voice of America, archived from the original on 15 January 2022, retrieved 14 January 2022 Bui, Tin (1999). Following Ho Chi Minh: The Memoirs of a North Vietnamese Colonel. University of Hawaii Press. pp. 84–86. ISBN 9780824822330. Archived from the original on 30 April 2023. Retrieved 21 March 2023. "Chứng nhân phương Tây duy nhất trong Dinh Độc Lập ngày 30-4-1975". Tuổi Trẻ (in Vietnamese). 28 April 2021. Archived from the original on 18 February 2022. Retrieved 14 January 2022. Ellison, Richard (Series Producer) (2 February 1981). "Vietnam: A Television History; Interview with Bui Tin [2], 1981". WGBH Educational Foundation. Archived from the original on 14 January 2022. Retrieved 14 January 2022. Butterfield, Fox (8 August 2001). "Duong Van Minh, 85, Saigon Plotter, Dies". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 27 November 2012. Retrieved 29 November 2012. Ives, Mike (13 August 2013). "Bui Tin, Colonel Who Accepted South Vietnam's Surrender, Dies at 90". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 14 January 2022. Retrieved 15 January 2022. People's Committee of Ca Mau Province (20 April 2015), "The full transcript of Republic of Vietnam's President declaration of surrender and the acceptance statement from respresentatives of Liberation Army of South Vietnam", Online portal of Ca Mau province (in Vietnamese), Ca Mau, archived from the original on 14 January 2022, retrieved 14 January 2022 Dawson 1977, p. 351. Dawson 1977, p. xvi. Porter, Gareth; Roberts, James (1 January 1988). Desbarats, Jacqueline; Jackson, Karl D. (eds.). "Creating a Bloodbath by Statistical Manipulation". Pacific Affairs. 61 (2): 303–10. doi:10.2307/2759306. JSTOR 2759306. Metzner, Edward P. (2001). Reeducation in Postwar Vietnam: Personal Postscripts to Peace. Texas A&M University Press. p. xiii. ISBN 9781585441297. "250,000." Sagan, Ginetta; Denney, Stephen (October–November 1982). "Re-education in Unliberated Vietnam: Loneliness, Suffering and Death". The Indochina Newsletter. Archived from the original on 14 September 2016. Retrieved 1 September 2016. New York Times, "The Americans Depart" Snepp 1977, p. 565. Le Thi Anh, "The New Vietnam", National Review, 29 April 1977. "According to Frank Snepp, a CIA analyst who served in Saigon, the American Embassy was not able to destroy its top-secret files during the frantic evacuation, and among the information that fell into Communist hands was a list of 30,000 Vietnamese who had worked in the Phoenix Program, a U.S.-sponsored operation responsible for the elimination of thousands of Communist agents. A full report on the massacre of those 30,000 Phoenix cadres is said to have reached the desk of the French ambassador to Saigon by late 1975; he communicated it to Washington, where nothing was done with it." Bradley, James (2015). The China mirage : the hidden history of American disaster in Asia. New York. p. 369. ISBN 978-0-316-19667-3. OCLC 870199580. "Đông 'nghẹt thở', người dân cố nhích từng bước rời Hà Nội trước kỳ nghỉ lễ 30/4". Báo điện tử Tiền Phong (in Vietnamese). 28 April 2023. Retrieved 17 August 2023. "Black April events commemorate fall of Saigon". The Orange County Register. Archived from the original on 18 May 2009. Retrieved 13 February 2016. "Giai phóng Sai Gòn (2005)". IMDb. Archived from the original on 18 March 2022. Retrieved 28 April 2021. Further reading Adams, E. G. "The Beginning of the End". Archived from the original on 20 July 2011. Brown, Weldon A. (1976). The Last Chopper: The Dénouement of the American Role in Vietnam, 1963–1975. Kennikat Press. ISBN 0-8046-9121-5. Butler, David (1985). The Fall of Saigon. New York: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 0-671-46675-5. Dawson, Alan (1977). 55 Days: The Fall of South Vietnam. Prentice-Hall. ISBN 0-13-314476-3. Dunham, George R.; Quinlan, David A. (1990). U.S. Marines in Vietnam: The Bitter End, 1973–1975 (PDF). Washington DC: History and Museums Division, Headquarters, U.S. Marine Corps. ISBN 978-0-16-026455-9. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 July 2021. Retrieved 3 May 2021. Engelmann, Larry (1990). Tears before the Rain: An Oral History of the Fall of South Vietnam. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-505386-9. Isaacs, Arnold (1983). Without Honor: Defeat in Vietnam and Cambodia. The Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-6107-1. Kissinger, Henry (2003). Ending the Vietnam War: A History of America's Involvement in and Extrication from the Vietnam War. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-7432-1532-X. Pike, Douglas (1970). "The Viet-Cong Strategy of Terror" (PDF). vietnam.ttu.edu. Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 July 2011. Retrieved 18 January 2007. Smith, Homer D. (22 May 1975). "The Final Forty-Five Days in Vietnam" (PDF). vietnam.ttu.edu. Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 July 2011. Retrieved 16 January 2007. Snepp, Frank (1977). Decent Interval: An Insider's Account of Saigon's Indecent End Told by the CIA's Chief Strategy Analyst in Vietnam. Random House. ISBN 0-394-40743-1. Tanner, Stephen (2000). Epic Retreats: From 1776 to the Evacuation of Saigon. Sarpedon. ISBN 1-885119-57-7. (See especially p. 273 and on.) Todd, Olivier (1990). Cruel April: The Fall of Saigon. W W Norton & Company. ISBN 0-393-02787-2. (originally published in 1987 in French) Tucker, Spencer C., ed. (1998). Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War: A Political, Social, and Military History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-874-36983-5. Văn Tiến Dũng (1977). Our Great Spring Victory: An Account of the Liberation of South Vietnam. Monthly Review Press. ISBN 0-85345-409-4. Willbanks, James H. (2004). Abandoning Vietnam: How America Left and South Vietnam Lost Its War. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-1331-1. "The Americans Depart". The New York Times. 30 April 1975. p. 37. Archived from the original on 16 August 2021. Retrieved 16 August 2021. Moise, Edwin E. (1988). "Nationalism and Communism in Vietnam". Journal of Third World Studies. University Press of Florida. 5 (2): 6–22. JSTOR 45193059. CIA activities in Vietnam were operations conducted by the Central Intelligence Agency in Vietnam from the 1950s to the late 1960s, before and during the Vietnam War. After the 1954 Geneva Conference, North Vietnam was controlled by communist forces under Ho Chi Minh's leadership. South Vietnam, with the assistance of the U.S., was anti-communist. The economic and military aid supplied by the U.S. to South Vietnam continued until the 1970s. The CIA participated in both the political and military aspect of the wars in Indochina.[1] The CIA provided suggestions for political platforms, supported candidates, used agency resources to refute electoral fraud charges, manipulated the certification of election results by the South Vietnamese National Assembly, and instituted the Phoenix Program. It worked particularly closely with the ethnic minority Montagnards, Hmong, and Khmer.[2] There are 174 National Intelligence Estimates dealing with Vietnam, issued by the CIA after coordination with the US intelligence community.[3] Vietnam 1945–1947 Through 1954, Vietnam was part of French Indochina, along with Laos and Cambodia. During the war, the Imperial Japanese Army occupied Vietnam and remained there until 1945, when the Axis powers were defeated. The Japanese were removed from Vietnam with the help of revolutionary leader Ho Chi Minh and his Vietminh forces.[4] Following the war, France began to reoccupy the Indochina region and reassert its former dominance. Much of this can be traced back to a desire to restore French glory and national pride after the humiliation the nation suffered during the course of World War II. The French also wished to reclaim the Indochina region to regain control over the vast rubber plantations across the country. The people of Vietnam were completely against the return of the French. The Vietnamese experienced a lot of abuses by the French during their colonization in the mid 19th century. The people of North Vietnam rallied around their recently returned revolutionary leader Ho Chi Minh and looked to him to gain at long last, their independence.[5] The French spent nine years (1946–54) attempting to regain control of Vietnam. France did not realize that the current Vietnamese were much stronger than those that they were familiar with. They greatly underestimated the strength and capability of the Vietnamese force. The Viet Minh, or Viet Cong as they came to be called, were not going to let the French take control of their region without a fight. The men of the Viet Cong were communists and did not want to surrender their beliefs to the French. Together with the North Vietnamese army, they would defend their land. The Vietnamese used military and political tactics to push and expel the French from their lands. North Vietnamese troops were prepared to fight the French to the bitter end in order to ensure victory and their freedom. The loss of thousands of French men made it easy for North Vietnam and the Viet Cong to win the war. France lost a lot of their supporters of the war after many of their men were killed. It was also beneficial to the North Vietnamese efforts when they began to receive outside assistance. The Soviet Union sent them military hardware that they used in combat against the French. After suffering a major defeat at the fortress of Dien Bien Phu on May 7, 1954, the French lost control of Viet Nam above latitude 17 degrees north; this became the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam. Soviet- and Chinese-made weapons and captured American ones given to the North Vietnamese army by China played a key role in the defeat of France. Even before the CIA was formed, teams from the OSS, including one under Major Archimedes Patti, was in French Indochina, assessing the situation, and discussing alternatives with parties on all sides, including Ho Chi Minh.[6] Vietnam 1950–1954 CIA officers moved to French Indochina in 1950 as a part of the legation of the United States in the city of Saigon. After their arrival, CIA involvement expanded to a new large base in Hanoi. The CIA's activities in Vietnam did not grow any further due to the French discouraging CIA activity (the French were still clinging to the idea that they could one day still dominate Vietnam and the U.S. was against this course of action).[7] CIA involvement in Vietnam was discouraged by the French because it was found that the CIA would often bypass them to open channels to Vietnamese nationalists. CIA activity expanded when the Indochina region became three separate states, and grew exponentially during the French War in 1953 to 1954 when France was essentially forced to accept American assistance with unconventional warfare activities.[8] Despite this resilience by the French, CIA intelligence perceived a deteriorating situation in Vietnam. A 1950 CIA intelligence report noted that the threat of Communism in Indochina was rising as rebel attacks on French outposts continued and highlighted the weaknesses of the French. An intelligence report on Indochinese military developments revealed how vulnerable the French military was, due to the fall of the French border holding at Dong Khe, as well as some attacks they had suffered in Tonkin. The report doubted France's ability to hold Indochina much longer if the Viet Minh continued to attack.[9] The authors of the report feared that, "if these attacks [were to] develop into a coordinated, a large-scale Viet Minh offensive, an action which [might] soon be within Viet Minh capabilities, French maintenance of control over Indochina – by means of their own forces alone – [would] be seriously threatened." This document also noted French hesitancy to bolster the Vietnamese Army, "apparently fearing that such a step would weaken their ability to contain Vietnamese nationalism."[10] The U.S. intelligence community notes how cautious the French were in arming a Vietnamese army. The report further claimed that, "French reluctance to expand or strengthen the Vietnam Army is indicated by insistence on allocation and distribution of US military aid under French control, failure to make plans for necessary financing, inability of French officials to agree on a course of action or policy, and refusal to expand the local militia." Additionally the French officially refused to accept help from the U.S. in the form of training Vietnamese troops by US military instructors. There is a suggestion at the end of the report that the French would need to accept American aid to train the Vietnamese army and to supply them, if they wanted to change their policy of arming the Vietnamese.[11] During 1953–1954, the involvement of the CIA increased when the French finally accepted U.S. assistance with the unconventional (guerrilla) warfare tactics they faced, as the French were facing large and costly losses at the hands of what would become the Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese resistance forces.[12] The primary aid initially offered by the U.S. was military aid in supplying military hardware and training of the Vietnamese army; the scope of U.S. aid to the French was greatly expanded during and after the Eisenhower administration. Without aid from the United States, there would be little practical effect from this ostensible change in French policy.[clarification needed][8] There was a reestablishment of a covert action section in Saigon Station. There was also unilateral covert action which was suspended in 1953 under State Department pressure. This was due to the French exposing paramilitary operations against the Vietminh in Ha Noi that the agency did not previously clear with them.[13] The CIA's mission in Saigon was to directly assess the nationalist politicians.[14] The primary cause and motivation behind the intervention of the U.S. and CIA through 1954 was to gather intelligence, and provide interpretations of the events that occurred in Indochina through an American perspective. Outside of North Vietnam, the agency's broad span of activities reached into almost every aspect of the Indochina war. The agency conducted several paramilitary programs and conducted a full-scale war in Laos and South Vietnam.[8] Vietnam 1954 In 1954, the CIA would remain consistent in its activities in Vietnam. The CIA's expansion included various stations throughout Vietnam and Laos. A station was also located in Cambodia, but relations with that country were broken off in 1963 and reinstated only during the 1970s.[8] The CIA stations, though initially used solely for gathering intelligence and providing interpretations of events in Indochina, came to gain as much importance as the U.S. embassy in its scale of political relations with the South Vietnamese government due to its broad range of activities. The CIA stations in Vietnam were also responsible for conducting a full-scale war in Laos at that time in addition to South Vietnam paramilitary operations.[8] Another key event that occurred in 1954 was the creation of the Geneva Accords. Signed by France, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, China, and three Associated States of Indochina including Ho Chi Minh's Democratic Republic of Vietnam, the Accords addressed the issue of what to do with Vietnam since the Viet Minh had ended colonial rule in the north. Although the United States had agreed to respect the Accords, it would not sign them because the U.S. government disagreed with the provision that split Vietnam at the 17th parallel.[15] These Accords would come to play a major role in the United States' decision to interfere with the situation in Vietnam. The U.S. government had provided the French with logistical support in their mission to defeat the Viet Minh. It was only a matter of time, however, before the French needed military support as well. Essentially, the Geneva Accords forced the United States to decide if it was willing to provide such assistance. As historian Thomas L. Ahern Jr stated, "In the end, the importance of halting Communism overshadowed the risks, and the United States embarked on its 21-year effort to create in South Vietnam a permanent barrier to Communist expansion in Southeast Asia."[16] Covert action The new CIA team in Saigon was the Saigon Military Mission, headed by United States Air Force Colonel Edward Lansdale, who arrived on June 1, 1954. His diplomatic cover title was Assistant Air Attaché. The broad mission for the team was to undertake paramilitary operations against the enemy and to train the South Vietnamese in the arts of psychological warfare, just like Lansdale had done in an earlier conflict in the Philippines. Although Lansdale worked for the OSS briefly in World War II, he was never a CIA employee.[13][17] Working in close cooperation with the U.S. Information Agency, a new psychological warfare campaign was devised for the Vietnamese Army and for the government in Hanoi. Shortly after, a refresher course in combat psy-war was constructed. One example of psychological warfare dealt directly with misinformation. Lansdale would later recall the event in his memoirs: "The first idea was used just before the French quit the city of Hanoi and turned over control to the Vietminh. At the time, the Communist apparatus inside the city was busy with secret plans to ready the population to welcome the entry of Viet Minh troops. I suggested that my nationalist friends issue a fake Community manifesto, ordering everyone in the city except essential hospital employees to be out on the streets not just for a few hours of welcome but for a week-long celebration. In actuality this would mean a seven-day work stoppage. Transportation, electric power, and communication services would be suspended. The simple enlargement of plans already afoot should give the communists an unexpectedly vexing problem as they started their rule."[18] The celebration did not last a week. The Communists thought that this manifesto was French counterpropaganda and attempted to order everyone back to work, which took three days.[18] The second SMM member, Major Lucien Conein, arrived on July 1. A paramilitary specialist, well known to the French for his help with French-operated maquis in Tonkin against the Japanese in 1945, he was the one American guerrilla fighter who had not been a member of the Patti Mission. In August, he went to Hanoi with the assignment of developing a paramilitary organization in the north.... A second paramilitary team for the south was formed, with Army Lieutenant Edward Williams doing double duty as the only experienced counter-espionage officer, working with revolutionary political groups.[15] Intelligence analysis Working with available data, the CIA produced a National Intelligence Estimate in August 1954. It began by stating that the Communist signing of the Geneva agreements had legitimized them, and they would need to immediately move to control the North while planning for long-term control of the country. This National Intelligence Estimate went on to suggest that while the Diem government was in official control of the South, it remained unpopular because of a disconnect of the government from the people. Certain pro-French elements may have been planning to overthrow it. CIA experts also noted that Diem would have political problems on top of already sinking popularity. Vietminh elements would remain in the South and create an underground resistance force, discredit the government, and undermine French-Vietnamese relations.[19] On October 26, 1954, Lansdale lured two key personnel in a planned coup against South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem out of the country. Lansdale invited Hinh and staff to visit the Philippines. U.S. personnel dealing with the Government of Vietnam had difficulties understanding Vietnamese politics. This can be attributed to the fact that the CIA did not make a concerted effort to gain a better understanding of the history and culture of Vietnam. The CIA instead focused on the military forces occupying the territory instead of the political and economic forces that motivated them.[20] The diplomats were not getting clear information in 1954 and early 1955, but the CIA station "had ... no mandate or mission to perform systematic intelligence and espionage in friendly countries, and so lacks the resources to gather and evaluate the large amounts of information required on political forces, corruption, connections, and so on."[17] In Thomas Ahern's monograph, he stops short of saying that the agency was an actor in the coup that overthrew Saigon leader Ngo Dinh Diem. Within the monograph it is noted that on the morning of the coup the U.S. Military Command in Vietnam (MACV) advised the CIA that Saigon was quiet, and that the CIA should stop reporting a coup was imminent or in progress.[13] The CIA also reportedly recognized that Diem would have political problems as early as August 1954. It is reported that policy surrounding Diem was set with this in mind. Relations with Diem's brother, Ngo Dinh Nhu, began as early as 1952, also signaling that the CIA predicted political problems with Diem. Despite having the benefit of expert warnings, it is clear that the CIA acted beyond the scope of it experts.[13] Vietnam 1955 By 31 January 1955, a paramilitary group had cached its supplies in Haiphong, having had them shipped by Civil Air Transport, a CIA proprietary airline belonging to the Directorate of Support. Ngo Dinh Diem and Ngo Dinh Nhu had been exploited by the help of CIA advisors to help defeat one of the challenges to the new Prime Minister's authority. Lansdale and the South Vietnamese leader Ngo Dinh Diem had been working together, however they did not agree on the government system they wanted in South Vietnam. In August 1955, Lansdale brought Juan Orendain, a Filipino constitutional scholar, to Saigon in order to sway Diem in a direction similar to the American system. Lansdale was hoping he could have the same effect on Diem as he had previously when working with Magsaysay in the Philippines. Part of this meant proposing a legislature and a judicial system to signal that Diem was open to checks and balances, and was not trying to be beyond reproach in his position. By April 1956 Diem had considered and rejected the model proposed by Orendain, and was more concerned about the broad authority he needed that very moment. All the while Lansdale had little to no real oversight from the rest of the CIA as these actions were taking place. Though he took advantage of this autonomy to improvise, it also meant he had little to no backup to enforce or further persuade Diem into a governmental separation of powers.[21] During one encounter in early 1955, Diem rejected US ambassadorial representative J. Lawton Collins's nominee for commander of the Vietnamese Army. Collins wanted competence, whereas Diem preferred someone loyal. On April 27, 1955 the Battle of Saigon had begun. The private crime syndicate Binh Xuyen and the Vietnamese National Army would wage conflict for around a month in Cholon. The Binh Xuyen had been influential (as a powerful Saigon gang) in post-colonial Vietnam, and had even stolen arms and fought the French, however they were defeated quickly.[22] Diem had issued the Binh Xuyen an ultimatum to come under control or be eliminated. The damage caused by the fighting resulted in around a thousand casualties, and tens of thousands more homeless. In January 1956 Diem promulgated Ordinance 6, which authorized detention and reeducation for anyone considered a danger to the state. This led to a problem of overcrowding as there were already 20,000 alleged communists that had been placed in detention camps since 1954, according to Diem's Information Ministry.[23] Lansdale claimed that there was 7,000 political detainees in Saigon's Chi Hoa prison alone.[23] Operation Brotherhood, created by Ramon Magsaysay in the Philippines, had its first medical team beginning in late 1954. By 1955, it had more than 100 doctors and nurses at 10 medical center locations in South Vietnam to treat refugees and to train Vietnamese medical personnel. The second pacification operation was launched late April 1955 in the southern Dinh Dinh and northern Phu Yen portion of Central Vietnam.[13] Vietnam 1959 North Vietnamese troops needed a way to link themselves with their allies in Southern Vietnam. The Viet Cong and North Vietnamese soldiers were able to supply troops and military operations through secret tunnels and the Ho Chi Minh trail. The Ho Chi Minh trail was an interlocking trail system that was created through the borders of Laos and Cambodia that reach from North Vietnam to South Vietnam. During the construction of this trail, native guides had to be used to guide the North Vietnamese troops through the wild countryside. Campsites that were built along the side of the trail grew into way points for troops to gather and rest. The trail stretched 800 miles and could take up to three months to travel by foot.[24] Laos had been demilitarized during the 1960s. The North Vietnamese however did not respect the Laos treaty with the U.S, Instead, the North Vietnamese disregarded the peace treaty and begun their construction of the trail to aid their southern Vietnamese allies. Pictures revealing the trail's construction were taken by Vietnamese journalists.[25] However, some of the greatest dangers were not the humans following the trail but rather the mother nature one would encounter along the way. Guides were needed for groups to navigate the dangerous trail. Snakes and spiders would flood the clothing of travelers along with dangerous terrain. For these reasons, travelers needed to practice great precaution along the way. The trail quickly became one of the secret forces of the war. Once United States officials gathered intelligence about the trail, they quickly installed motion censors across the trail to catch insurgents.[1] The complexity of the trail grew further during the 1960s. Detecting Viet Cong movements on the Ho Chi Minh trail was exceedingly difficult. The trail was a complex collection of interconnecting footpaths. The flexibility afforded by its complexity meant multiple routes could be traversed from north to south. As such, it was easy to shift to a different route if the security of one area was compromised. Furthermore, the length of the trail and the small number of persons using it on any given segment, coupled with its flexible nature made detection all but impossible.[26] In attempts to combat troop and supply movement along the trail, the CIA and U.S. military set up heat and movement sensors along the trail to track enemy movement. U.S. forces also attempted to use air dropped listening devices to track enemy troops and pinpoint Viet Cong movements. 1959 also saw the arrival of William Colby in the region, and it became increasingly noticeable throughout 1959 that Diem was becoming paranoid regarding security issues and the military. This time saw a constant back and forth between Diem and Nhu over control of the military in the region. The year 1959 saw Diem's authority quickly being lessened, as Tran Quoc Bhu had insisted upon it.[27] The CIA had very few contacts in the Viet Cong ranks or North Vietnam at the time. Many of the contacts that they had were double agents run by the Viet Cong. Much of the intelligence gathered regarding North Vietnam was unreliable.[28] U.S. and South Vietnamese military personnel believed that the bulk of North Vietnamese supplies were being shipped over the Ho Chi Minh trail, however, more than 80 percent of Northern supplies were sent by sea. U.S. Special Forces also began to train some Laotian soldiers in unconventional warfare techniques as early as the fall of 1959 under the code name Erawan.[29] This was because after President Kennedy took power who refused to send more American soldiers to battle in Southeast Asia. Instead, he called upon the CIA to use its "tribal forces" in Laos and to "make every possible effort to launch guerrilla operations in North Vietnam with its Asian recruits." Hence, under this code name, General Vang Pao, who served the royal Lao family was recruited. He then recruited and trained his Hmong soldiers to ally with the CIA and fight against the communist North. Vietnam 1961 In April 1961, Lansdale, who had been designated the Operations Officer for an interagency Task Force in charge of political, military, economic, psychological, and covert character, was to go to Vietnam. Changes of policy in Washington however, transferred these responsibilities to the military and diplomats, and Lansdale was no longer involved with Vietnam. On May 11, 1961, President Kennedy gave the authorization to begin "a program for covert actions to be carried out by the Central Intelligence Agency which would precede and remain in force after any commitment of U.S. forces to South Vietnam."[23] Kennedy was giving the CIA the job of preparing for the eventual landing of U.S. troops. Later that year, in October 1961 the Director of Central Intelligence Allen Dulles approved a massive counterinsurgency program with the goal of launching a "village defense program in the lightly populated but strategically important Central Highlands."[23] The involvement of the CIA rose substantially when they were given the task of supporting "irregular formations" that did not fall under other agencies’ jurisdictions, which include civil wars, guerrilla wars, and rebellions.[23] They were given this job because of an interagency task force recommendation in January 1962. Later that year in May 1962, Defense Secretary McNamara promised the Far East Division chief Desmond FitzGerald "a blank check…in terms of men, money, and material."[23] This illustrates the important mission given to the CIA by the Department of Defense and the White House. CIA begins to sponsor and train the Civilian Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) in the South Central Highlands. These were local defense operations with a mobile support component, "Mike Force", made up primarily of Nung mercenaries. Most CIDG units eventually became Vietnamese Rangers. These forces were intended to help combat the guerrilla tactics of the Vietcong.The CIDG grew out of a Military Operations Section (MOS) program led by Gilbert Layton. Layton's priority was strengthening the intelligence network in the country, specifically in the border regions with Cambodia and Laos.[23] Layton sought to find locals that could gather intelligence on Viet Cong installations in the area.[23] He proposed a program "designed to recruit as many as 1,000 tribesmen to operate in the guerrilla-infested high plateau areas bordering on northern Cambodia and South Laos."[23] His proposal for a crop station and seed distribution was approved but it suffered many delays and problems.[23] CIA Deputy Chief William Colby expanded the intelligence gathering operation into a defense building operation known as the "Montagnard defense program."[23] In 1961, the CIA also strengthened contact with then-captain in the Royal Laotian Armed Forces, Vang Pao.[30] Pao was a member of the nomadic Hmong tribe, a southeast Asian ethnic minority dwelling primarily in the mountains of Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam, and the CIA quickly realized the potential use of the Hmong as guerrilla fighters against Laotian as well as North Vietnamese communist forces. First donations of food, blankets, and then by January 24, 1961 300 Hmong received weapons to Vang Pao's troops, the CIA sent men to train Hmong fighters in guerrilla tactics, eventually engaging soon-to-be-General Pao's approximately 10,000 men.[31] These Hmong forces would prove valuable to the CIA's tactics for the remainder of the war, despite insecurities on both sides as to the allegiance of the other. It was during 1961 that Vang Pao expressed concerns as to the dedication of the CIA in aiding and remaining supportive of the Hmong after their use in the Vietnam War.[32] Laos, in 1961, was more important than even the incoming president knew. Kennedy had organized a meeting with Eisenhower, who was on his way out of the Oval Office, to discuss the strategic importance of Laos. They discussed "keeping the 'cork in the bottle'...to prevent communist dominion over most of the Far East."[33] Eisenhower saw Laos as so important, that he was worried about all of Thailand, Cambodia, and South Vietnam falling to communism if Laos went that way. The president was concerned that the Royal Laotian Army (RLA) was impotent and mutinous, and did not want to rely on them. He was so concerned, that in this meeting, he said he would "as a last desperate hope...intervene unilaterally," if it were up to him.[33] The interventions, as mentioned in the paragraph above, ended up being the arming and training of paramilitary forces. While preventing a communist Laos remained the objective of the CIA for the next 14 years, the focus of their paramilitary operations changed over time. Until 1964, the Hmong fighters in Laos focused on trying to fight back North Vietnamese fighters and on preventing further encroachment. They were highly important, because the U.S. hadn't begun putting troops on the ground in any great numbers, yet. After that, in 1965, the report describes the Hmong activities in Laos as "flitt[ing] over mountain trails or mov[ing] by air to occupy key high ground and to harass Hanoi's tanks and artillery,"[33] meaning that U.S. troops took on a frontline role and asked the paramilitary forces to operate in more difficult terrain and in less standard ways. The Buon Enao Project Buon Enao was a Rhadé village that was the location of a CIA experimental program designed to strengthen defenses against the Viet Cong.[23] The CIA brought several proposals to the village elders, and almost all were met with protest or skepticism. After satisfying all of their concerns, the Americans were able to build a perimeter border fence as well as dispensary. They also armed the villages and trained them how to shoot. They were named the CIDG so that they did not give the appearance of a "covert offensive military unity." Buon Enao was the "first CIDG Area Development Center, which controlled social and economic development services as well as the village defense system in the surrounding area."[23] Tony Poe (Anthony Poshepny) Tony Poe was recruited into the CIA after he graduated from San Jose State University and finished his training in 1953. Poe worked with the Hmong starting in March 1961. He was then transferred to Long Tieng. In Long Tieng Poe ran field missions with the Hmong partisans.[34] After he took an enemy round in the stomach in January 1965, and one-too-many confrontations with Vang Pao, Poshepny was transferred up-country, to the land of Yao tribesmen. The tribesmen thought of him as "a drinker and an authoritarian commander and a mercurial leader, who could threaten and bribe to get his way" He died on June 27, 2003. Vietnam 1962 In February 1962, two disgruntled South Vietnamese air force pilots bombed the presidential palace in hopes of killing Diem and forcing a new leadership, but their plan failed as he was in a different part of the palace when the attack happened. Diem reassigned military officers to improve his security, however, he still did not undertake political reforms.[35] It was also agreed upon in 1962 to grow the Laotian irregulars despite potential diplomatic consequences.[36] In the Spring of 1962, the CIA became interested hitting at North Vietnam's navy; the agency called it Operation VULCAN. In order to fulfill this operation, the CIA hired “18 South Vietnamese who had been trained in underwater demolition” to target the port of Quảng Khê, which “was home to several of the DRV's Swatow-class gunboats”.[37] In June 1962, the demolition crew, called the “frogmen”, were carried by the Nautilus III within swimming distance of the North Vietnamese port, at which point the divers swam to the various military ships in the port and attached their bombs. However, “how many of them detonated remained unclear, for one of them went off prematurely, with the swimmer already spotted and trying to escape”.[37] The Nautilus III was chased down by a Swatow at which point the Swatow collided with the Nautilus III, and all crew, except one, were captured by the North Vietnamese. The document concludes that the mission was considered successful and the military was prepared to continue such operations which often ended with the summary of “mission successful, price heavy”.[37] The Geneva Agreements were proposed in order to end suspension of flights that went through the Laotian airspace. The agreement went into place in October 1962. Later, the CIA grew afraid that they might demoralize their liaison partners so they did not disclose information pertaining to the policy basis that halted some operations. TARZAN was developed in order to monitor the North Vietnamese road traffic and then the findings would be taken back to the CIA. They were a sabotage team that was released near Route 2. On December 30, a sabotage team that was sponsored by SEPES was called LYRE. This was a part of the nine teams developed that often did not go into full effect.[37] Vietnam 1963 The U.S. supported Diem in hopes to create a nation that was south of the demilitarized zone at the 17th parallel.[38] In August 1963 South Vietnamese military officers initially planned to obtain support from the U.S. for their coup against Ngo Dinh Diem. State Department official Roger Hilsman originated a cable giving the South Vietnamese generals the green light for a coup against Diem and in October 1963 final plans were made for the coup that was carried out.[35] On November 1, 1963 the House of Ngo ended when generals working for President Diem surrounded the Palace. The Palace was surrounded by units that were brought into Saigon from Mekong Delta and Bien Hoa.[38] Observers of the firefight got close enough to count about 200 rebel troops and there was a report of 35 armored vehicles heading toward the palace.[13] With Diem loyalists being detained, political arrangements were of order and they acknowledged that the new government would be a civilian one.[13] Minh threatened Diem in every way, exerting that he had no patience and would "blast him off the face of the earth" if he did not surrender. After a bombardment of artillery fire to intimidate Diem, Minh ordered an assault on the palace. The next morning Diem finally called the JGC Headquarters promising to surrender if he had safe passage out of the country.[13] Americans had ordered that the Diem and Nhu were kept safe but an officer of Minh had placed them into an armored vehicle and shot them to death. The Americans began to focus on fixing the makeup of the coup rather than the policy of the successor's government after they had realized how bad Diem was as a leader.[38] The CIA paid $42,000 in immediate support money to the plotters the morning the coup, given by Lucien Connie an act of prefigured in administration planning.[35] On July 8, 1963, A CIA officer was told by Major General Tran Van Don(South Vietnam's army commander) that there were plans by the military to overthrow President Diem.[39] In November 1963, the CIA, or "the Station", was relied upon by Vietnamese generals, who had recently staged a coup, to aid in the set up of a new regime. The Station was coming out of a U.S. Mission moratorium on contacts with the new leadership imposed by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge. A White House tape of President Kennedy and his advisers confirms that top U.S. officials sought the November 1, 1963 coup against South Vietnamese leader Ngo Dinh Diem without apparently considering the consequences for Diem personally.[35] With support of the coup coming from the U.S. it would have the potential of making us responsible for the outcome in South Vietnam. Vietnam 1964 Badge of members of the Phoenix Program Intelligence analysis A Special National Intelligence Estimate (SNIE) issued in May theorized that a short but intense air and naval campaign against the DRV would deter an invasion of the South, although not stop activities there. It also estimated that this would be a strong morale boost to the RVN.[40] The campaign described, however, was different than the actual gradual attacks that resulted from the Gulf of Tonkin incident in August. This tactic failed spectacularly, as it drove the North Vietnamese and Vietcong to use vicious guerrilla tactics against the U.S. In October, another, less optimistic SNIE was issued, limited to the South. It said the situation was deteriorating, and a coup could occur at any time. The Prime Minister of the country, General Nguyen Khanh, stayed in power by placating various groups, while exhibiting little leadership of the country or the military. Defeatism was spreading from Saigon to the countryside, and was aggravated by a Montagnard revolt on September 20. No clear leadership was emerging. Much of this turmoil can be traced back to the Diem government and its inability to capture the hearts of the people like Ho Chi Minh had. The South Vietnamese government was completely detached from its people as much of its government was focused in Saigon (though most of the people lived in small villages and Hamlets in the countryside).[41] The Vietcong, however, were not seen to be planning an immediate takeover, but were concentrating on psychological operations to increase unrest in the south and among American forces.[42] Vietnam 1965 Intelligence analysis Special National Intelligence Estimate 10-9-65, was done to assess the reactions, in various parts of the world, to an escalation of U.S. attacks on North Vietnam. This estimate is especially significant in the conflict between the White House and the military and intelligence community.[43] By summer of 1965 there were more than 125,000 U.S. ground troops in Vietnam and there did not seem to be an end in sight for their continuous arrival.[44] In August 1965, after Prime Minister Quat left the position and was replaced, the CIA worried that Buddhist protests would resume as they had under Diem. Under Diem religious tensions increased between the Buddhists and minority Roman Catholics. He gave Roman Catholics preference in governmental appointments and in military positions in addition to other actions that benefited Christians disproportionately over Buddhists. In a special report on The Buddhists in South Vietnam from 1963, the CIA noted that they were tracking the discontent within the Buddhist community and trying to discern if these grievances could lead to political change within the country. In a section concerning political influences they write, "There seems to be little doubt that the intensity of the Buddhist protests reflected general discontent over the entrenched, autocratic rule of the Diems as well as specific grievances against their religious biases. there have been persistent reports that some extremist Buddhist leaders have been determined to keep up the momentum of demonstrations, not just to secure satisfaction of demands, but in hopes of bringing about the government's overthrow. Available information, however, indicates that most Buddhist leaders hoped to keep the religious issues isolated from broader political discontent and avoided collaboration with political opponents of Diem seeking to use the Buddhist issue to bring down his government". Diem's fight with the Buddhists lowered morale both within his government and his public support. The CIA feared that the Communists would exploit this in order to expand their influence in the community and made efforts to reduce Buddhist political involvement.[45] An Quang Buddhists, led by Tri Quang, were contacted by the CIA. They offered to fund An Quang training programs in return for them remaining nonpolitical. The CIA felt that An Quang Buddhists may resume protests against the government because the new Prime Minister, Thieu-Ky was Catholic. The CIA wanted to keep the Buddhists out of conflict with the South Vietnamese during such a delicate time. Through December 1965, the CIA had given the An Quang Buddhists $12,500. This endeavor was successful in keeping the Buddhists out of the political arena.[46] In 1965, the CIA began gathering intelligence on Sihanoukville, a port in Cambodia that the CIA believed had importance to the Viet Cong. A CIA intelligence monograph on Sihanoukville written by Thomas L. Ahern, Jr. entitled Good Questions, Wrong Answers CIA Estimates of Arms Traffic Through Sihanoukville, Cambodia, During the Vietnam War was declassified, but large portions of the monograph are redacted.[47] The CIA reported on how the Viet Cong used Sihanoukville to supply its members in South Vietnam and in Cambodia. The agency examined traffic coming in and out of the port. It found that Chinese ships had visited Sihanoukville, but many United States officials and the Military Assistance Command Vietnam debated on the importance of the Chinese ships to the Viet Cong, leading to many visits to Sihanoukville. Certain individuals, whose names were redacted in the report, worked to prove the accounts, while others, also redacted, fought to disprove the reports. Vietnam 1966 In early 1966, the Johnson Administration authorized an extensive development of the pacification effort and the Agency programs became the basis of the U.S. pacification strategy.[23] Late in 1966 the secret Polish-Italian peace attempt code-named Marigold by U.S. officials happened at a time when around 6,250 Americans had died. This peace talk happened 18 months before the Paris peace talks and more than 6 years before the accords that ended U.S. direct involvement in the fighting.[48] This meeting was to take place in Warsaw, Poland between U.S. and North Vietnamese ambassadors to talk over a 10-point formula for a settlement. Marigold is to be one of the most controversial and intriguing diplomatic initiatives that remain shrouded in mystery.[48] The CIA also resumed trying to influence politics in Vietnam in 1966, by once again sending money to Saigon.[8] Vietnam 1967 Created inside the CIA Science and Technology Directorate's labs, this seismic intruder detection device was disguised as tiger droppings Covert action The Phoenix Program was an attempt to attack the Vietcong infrastructure (VCI) with a "rifle shot rather than a shotgun approach to target key political leaders, command/control elements and activists in the VCI." It was also seen as a U.S. pacification effort. In that the VCI, as opposed to the main force VC/NVA combat forces, used terror against villagers, Phoenix can be considered a counterterror program using some of the same methods as its opponents. The main targets of this program were taking out the hierarchy of officials, guerrilla leaders, and local organization. The idea behind it was if the villages fell, as well as social order, the North Vietnamese would have to give in to American wills. The creation of the Phoenix Program came as a result of a decade-long negligence on the part of the United States to track the activities of the Communist Party's political and administrative structure. From 1954 to 1964, the only intelligence offered by CIA efforts came in the form of a Hamlet Informant Program, which paid for information from untrained informants. Due to a lack in quality information, the CIA Station joined MACV J-2 and USOM's Public Safety Division in emphasizing a restructuring of intelligence. The Station wanted more centralization of intelligence, but US gener

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Blind Ambition is a four-part American miniseries that aired on CBS from May 20, 1979 to May 23, 1979 focusing on the Watergate coverup and based on the memoirs of former White House counsel John Dean and his wife Maureen.[1] Producer Renee Valente earned an Emmy nomination for the series.[2] Part I ranked as the 15th most-watched show for the week of May 14–20, 1979,[3] and Parts IV, II, and III, respectively, ranked as the 11th-13th most watched primetime shows of the following week.[4] Cast Watergate scandal The Watergate complex in 2006 Events List People Watergate burglars Groups CRP White House Judiciary Journalists Intelligence community Congress Related vte Martin Sheen as John Dean, Nixon White House counsel and coordinator of the Watergate cover-up turned star witness Rip Torn as President Richard Nixon Theresa Russell as Maureen Dean William Daniels as G. Gordon Liddy, former FBI agent, one of the head White House Plumbers and one of the Watergate Seven Graham Jarvis as John Ehrlichman, Nixon chief domestic advisor John Randolph as John Mitchell, former Attorney General Lawrence Pressman as H.R. "Bob" Haldeman, Nixon White House Chief of Staff Ed Flanders as Charlie Shaffer, Dean's lawyer Peter Mark Richman as Robert Mardian, political CRP coordinator James Sloyan as Ronald Ziegler, Nixon White House press secretary William Windom as Richard Kleindienst, Attorney General succeeding Mitchell Lonny Chapman as L. Patrick Gray, acting FBI director Christopher Guest as Jeb Stuart Magruder, CRP coordinator turned witness James Karen as Earl Silbert, federal prosecutor Kip Niven as Egil "Bud" Krogh, Nixon executive assistant who worked with the White House Plumbers Michael Callan as Charles Colson, Nixon White House counsel preceding Dean David Sheiner as Samuel Dash, Georgetown law professor and chief counsel to the Senate Watergate Committee References TV Guide Guide to TV. Barnes and Noble. 2004. pp. 75. ISBN 0-7607-5634-1. Barnes, Mike (2016-02-22). "Renee Valente, Casting Executive and Pioneering Producer, Dies at 88". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved 2016-03-10. (23 May 1979) TV Ratings, The New York Times (31 May 1979). TV Ratings, The New York Times External links Blind Ambition at IMDb vte Richard Nixon 37th President of the United States (1969–1974) 36th Vice President of the United States (1953–1961) U.S. Senator from California (1950–1953) U.S. Representative for CA–12 (1947–1950) Pre-presidency Checkers speech Vice presidency Presidential transition of Dwight D. Eisenhower 1958 motorcade attack Kitchen Debate Operation 40 Presidential transition of John F. Kennedy Presidency (timeline) Transition First inauguration Second inauguration "Bring Us Together" Silent majority 1970 Lincoln Memorial visit State of the Union Address (1970 1973 1974) Wilson desk Judicial appointments Supreme Court controversies Executive Orders Presidential Proclamations Foreign policy Nixon Doctrine Vietnam War Cambodian bombing Paris Peace Accords "Peace with Honor" Vietnamization Cold War period Linkage policy Tar Baby Option 1972 visit to China Shanghai Communiqué 1973 Chilean coup d'état Détente 1972 Moscow Summit Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty SALT I Treaty Prevention of Nuclear War Agreement Threshold Test Ban Treaty Operation CHAOS Space exploration Economic policy Bank Secrecy Act Fair Credit Reporting Act National Highway Traffic Safety Administration Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1970 Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1973 Nixon shock Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 Smithsonian Agreement Occupational Safety and Health Act National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health Occupational Safety and Health Administration Permissible exposure limit U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission Consumer Product Safety Act Lead-Based Paint Poisoning Prevention Act Poison Prevention Packaging Act of 1970 Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act Securities Investor Protection Act Securities Investor Protection Corporation Tax Reform Act of 1969 Alternative minimum tax Revenue Act of 1971 Agricultural Act of 1970 Farm Credit Act of 1971 Consolidated Farm and Rural Development Act of 1972 Agriculture and Consumer Protection Act of 1973 Emergency Petroleum Allocation Act Emergency Daylight Saving Time Energy Conservation Act Trans-Alaska Pipeline Authorization Act Environmental policy Council on Environmental Quality Environmental Quality Improvement Act National Environmental Policy Act Environmental Protection Agency Clean Air Amendments of 1970 Clean Water Act Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act National Ambient Air Quality Standards National Emissions Standards for Hazardous Air Pollutants New Source Performance Standards Noise Control Act Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1970 National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Coastal Zone Management Act Coastal Zone Management Program Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement Marine Protection, Research, and Sanctuaries Act of 1972 Endangered Species Act of 1969 Endangered Species Act of 1973 Oil Pollution Act of 1973 Water Resources Development Act of 1974 Social policy Family Assistance Plan Revised Philadelphia Plan Minority Business Development Agency Native American policy Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act Education Amendments of 1972 Title IX National Cancer Act of 1971 End Stage Renal Disease Program Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act Shafer Commission War on Drugs Drug Enforcement Administration Cannabis policy Federal Contested Elections Act Federal Election Campaign Act Voting Rights Act Amendments of 1970 District of Columbia Home Rule Act Watergate Timeline Operation Sandwedge Operation Gemstone Saturday Night Massacre CRP White House Plumbers Watergate Seven Enemies List list of opponents White House tapes United States v. Nixon (1974) Senate Watergate Committee impeachment process "I am not a crook" Resignation speech Pardon Life and politics Richard Nixon Foundation Presidential Library and Museum Birthplace and boyhood home "Last press conference" Florida White House "La Casa Pacifica" Nixon Center Nixon v. General Services Administration (1977) Nixon v. Fitzgerald (1982) Death and state funeral Books Six Crises (1962) Bibliography Elections U.S. House of Representatives: 1946 1948 U.S. Senate: 1950 California gubernatorial election: 1962 GOP presidential primaries: 1960 1964 1968 1972 GOP national conventions: 1952 1956 1960 1968 campaign 1972 Presidential elections: 1952 1956 1960 debates 1968 1972 Popular culture "Nixon goes to China" Millhouse (1971 film) An Evening with Richard Nixon (1972 play) Richard (1972 film) Another Nice Mess (1972 film) Four More Years (1972 film) Impeach the President (1973 song) The Werewolf of Washington (1973 film) White House Madness (1975 film) All the President's Men (1976 film) The Public Burning (1977 novel) Washington: Behind Closed Doors (1977 miniseries) Secret Honor (1984 film) Nixon in China (1987 opera) The Final Days (1989 film) Nixon (1995 film) Elvis Meets Nixon (1997 film) Futurama (1999 TV series) Dick (1999 film) Nixon's China Game (2000 film) Dark Side of the Moon (2002 film) The Assassination of Richard Nixon (2004 film) Frost–Nixon interviews (2006 play, 2008 film) Black Dynamite (2009 film) "The Impossible Astronaut" (2011 TV episode) Our Nixon (2013 film) X-Men: Days of Future Past (2014 film) Crooked (2015 novel) Elvis & Nixon (2016 film) The Post (2017 film) Watergate (2019 board game) U.S. postage stamp Related Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act Presidential Townhouse Richard Nixon mask Staff Jack Brennan (aide de camp) Murray Chotiner (early campaign manager) Manolo Sanchez (valet) Rose Mary Woods (secretary) Family Thelma "Pat" Ryan Nixon (wife) Tricia Nixon Cox (daughter) Julie Nixon Eisenhower (daughter) Christopher Nixon Cox (grandson) Jennie Eisenhower (granddaughter) Francis A. Nixon (father) Hannah Milhous Nixon (mother) Donald Nixon (brother) Edward Nixon (brother) ← Lyndon B. Johnson Gerald Ford → ← Alben W. Barkley Lyndon B. Johnson → Category Stub icon This article relating to a non-fiction television series in the United States is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. Categories: 1979 television films1979 films1970s American television miniseriesCBS network filmsAmerican biographical seriesWorks about the Watergate scandalFilms set in Washington, D.C.1979 American television series debuts1979 American television series endingsFilms directed by George SchaeferWatergate scandal in film1970s American filmsUnited States non-fiction television series stubs

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Richard Milhous Nixon (January 9, 1913 – April 22, 1994) was the 37th president of the United States, serving from 1969 to 1974. A lawyer and member of the Republican Party, he previously served as a representative and senator from California and was the 36th vice president from 1953 to 1961 under President Dwight D. Eisenhower. His five years in the White House saw reduction of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, détente with the Soviet Union and China, the Apollo 11 Moon landing, and the establishment of the Environmental Protection Agency and Occupational Safety and Health Administration. Nixon's second term ended early when he became the only U.S. president to resign from office, as a result of the Watergate scandal. Nixon was born into a poor family of Quakers in a small town in Southern California. He graduated from Duke Law School in 1937, practiced law in California, and then moved with his wife Pat to Washington, DC in 1942 to work for the federal government. After active duty in the Naval Reserve during World War II, he was elected to the House of Representatives in 1946. His work on the Alger Hiss case established his reputation as a leading anti-communist, which elevated him to national prominence, and in 1950, he was elected to the Senate. Nixon was the running mate of Eisenhower, the Republican Party's presidential nominee in the 1952 election, and served for eight years as the vice president. He ran for president in 1960, narrowly lost to John F. Kennedy, then failed again in a 1962 race for governor of California, after which it was widely believed that his political career was over. However, in 1968, he made another run for the presidency and was elected, defeating Hubert Humphrey by less than one percentage point in the popular vote, as well as defeating third-party candidate George Wallace. Nixon ended American involvement in Vietnam combat in 1973 and the military draft in the same year. His visit to China in 1972 eventually led to diplomatic relations between the two nations, and he also then concluded the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with the Soviet Union. Domestically, Nixon pushed for the Controlled Substances Act and began the war on drugs. Nixon's first term took place at the height of the American environmental movement and enacted many progressive environmental policy shifts; his administration created the Environmental Protection Agency and passed legislation such as the Endangered Species Act, the Clean Air Acts, and the Clean Water Acts (although he vetoed the final version of the CWA). He implemented the ratified Twenty-sixth Amendment, which lowered the voting age from 21 to 18, and enforced the desegregation of Southern schools. Under Nixon, relations with Native Americans improved, seeing an increase in self-determination for Native Americans and his administration rescinded the termination policy. Nixon imposed wage and price controls for 90 days, began the war on cancer, and presided over the Apollo 11 Moon landing, which signaled the end of the Space Race. He was re-elected with a historic electoral landslide in 1972 when he defeated Democratic candidate George McGovern. In his second term, Nixon ordered an airlift to resupply Israeli losses in the Yom Kippur War, a conflict which led to the oil crisis at home. From 1973, ongoing revelations leading from the Nixon administration's involvement in Watergate eroded his support in Congress and the country. Nixon and senior members of his administration were found to have weaponized government agencies against his enemies, among much other wrongdoing. On August 9, 1974, facing almost certain impeachment and removal from office, Nixon resigned from the presidency. Afterwards, he was issued a pardon by his successor, Gerald Ford. During nearly 20 years of retirement, Nixon wrote his memoirs and nine other books. He undertook many foreign trips, attempting to rehabilitate his image into that of an elder statesman and leading expert on foreign affairs. He suffered a debilitating stroke on April 18, 1994 and died four days later. Evaluations of his presidency have proven complex, with its successes contrasted against the circumstances of his departure. Early life and education Nixon (second from right) makes his newspaper debut in 1916, contributing five cents to a fund for war orphans. His brother Donald is to his right. Richard Milhous Nixon was born on January 9, 1913, in what was then the township precinct of Yorba Linda, California,[2] in a house built by his father, located on his family's lemon ranch.[1][3][4] His parents were Hannah (Milhous) Nixon and Francis A. Nixon. His mother was a Quaker, and his father converted from Methodism to the Quaker faith. Through his mother, Nixon was a descendant of the early English settler Thomas Cornell, who was also an ancestor of Ezra Cornell, the founder of Cornell University, as well as of Jimmy Carter and Bill Gates.[5] Nixon's upbringing was influenced by Quaker observances of the time such as abstinence from alcohol, dancing, and swearing. He had four brothers: Harold (1909–1933), Donald (1914–1987), Arthur (1918–1925), and Edward (1930–2019).[6] Four of the five Nixon boys were named after kings who had ruled in medieval or historic Great Britain; Richard, for example, was named after Richard the Lionheart.[7] Nixon's early life was marked by hardship, and he later quoted a saying of Dwight Eisenhower in describing his boyhood: "We were poor, but the glory of it was we didn't know it".[8] The Nixon family ranch failed in 1922, and the family moved to Whittier, California. In an area with many Quakers, Frank Nixon opened a grocery store and gas station.[9] Richard's younger brother Arthur died in 1925 at the age of seven after a short illness.[10] Richard was twelve years old when a spot was found on his lung; with a family history of tuberculosis, he was forbidden to play sports. The spot turned out to be scar tissue from an early bout of pneumonia.[11][12] Primary and secondary education Nixon as a senior at Whittier High School in 1930 Nixon attended East Whittier Elementary School, where he was president of his eighth-grade class.[13] His older brother Harold had attended Whittier High School, which his parents thought resulted in Harold's dissolute lifestyle, before he contracted tuberculosis (that killed him in 1933). They decided to send Nixon to the larger Fullerton Union High School.[14][15] Though he had to ride a school bus an hour each way during his freshman year, he received excellent grades. Later, he lived with an aunt in Fullerton during the week.[16] He played junior varsity football, and seldom missed a practice, though he rarely was used in games.[17] He had greater success as a debater, winning a number of championships and taking his only formal tutelage in public speaking from Fullerton's Head of English, H. Lynn Sheller. Nixon later mused on Sheller's words, "Remember, speaking is conversation...don't shout at people. Talk to them. Converse with them."[18] Nixon said he tried to use a conversational tone as much as possible.[18] At the start of his junior year in September 1928, Nixon's parents permitted him to transfer to Whittier High School. At Whittier, Nixon lost a bid for student body president, representing his first electoral defeat. At this period of his life, he often rose at 4 a.m. to drive the family truck to Los Angeles to purchase vegetables at the market and then drove to the store to wash and display them before going to school. Harold was diagnosed with tuberculosis the previous year; when their mother took him to Arizona hoping to improve his health, the demands on Nixon increased, causing him to give up football. Nevertheless, Nixon graduated from Whittier High third in his class of 207.[19] College and law school Nixon was offered a tuition grant to attend Harvard University, but with Harold's continued illness requiring his mother's care, Richard was needed at the store. He remained in his hometown, and enrolled at Whittier College in September 1930. His expenses at Whittier College were met by his maternal grandfather.[1][20] Nixon played for the basketball team; he also tried out for football, and though he lacked the size to play, he remained on the team as a substitute and was noted for his enthusiasm.[21] Instead of fraternities and sororities, Whittier had literary societies. Nixon was snubbed by the only one for men, the Franklins, many of whom were from prominent families, unlike Nixon. He responded by helping to found a new society, the Orthogonian Society.[22] In addition to the society, his studies, and work at the store, Nixon engaged in several extracurricular activities; he was a champion debater and hard worker.[23] In 1933, he engaged to Ola Florence Welch, daughter of the Whittier police chief, but they broke up in 1935.[24] After graduating summa cum laude with a Bachelor of Arts degree in history from Whittier in 1934, Nixon was accepted at the new Duke University School of Law,[25] which offered scholarships to top students, including Nixon.[26] It paid high salaries to its professors, many of whom had national or international reputations.[27] The number of scholarships was greatly reduced for second- and third-year students, creating intense competition.[26] Nixon kept his scholarship, was elected president of the Duke Bar Association,[28] inducted into the Order of the Coif,[29] and graduated third in his class in June 1937.[25] Early career and marriage Nixon's family: Julie and David Eisenhower, President Nixon, First Lady Pat Nixon, Tricia, and Edward Cox on December 24, 1971 After graduating from Duke University law school, Nixon initially hoped to join the FBI. He received no response to his letter of application, and learned years later that he had been hired, but his appointment had been canceled at the last minute due to budget cuts.[30] He returned to California, was admitted to the California bar in 1937, and began practicing in Whittier with the law firm Wingert and Bewley.[25] His work concentrated on commercial litigation for local petroleum companies and other corporate matters, as well as on wills.[31] Nixon was reluctant to work on divorce cases, disliking frank sexual talk from women.[32] In 1938, he opened up his own branch of Wingert and Bewley in La Habra, California,[33] and became a full partner in the firm the following year.[34] In later years, Nixon proudly said he was the only modern president to have previously worked as a practicing attorney.[32] In January 1938, Nixon was cast in the Whittier Community Players production of The Dark Tower in which he played opposite his future wife, a high school teacher named Thelma "Pat" Ryan.[25] In his memoirs, Nixon described it as "a case of love at first sight",[35] but apparently for Nixon only, since Pat Ryan turned down the young lawyer several times before agreeing to date him.[36] Once they began their courtship, Ryan was reluctant to marry Nixon; they dated for two years before she assented to his proposal. They wed in a small ceremony on June 21, 1940. After a honeymoon in Mexico, the Nixons began their married life in Whittier.[37] They had two daughters: Tricia, who was born in 1946, and Julie, who was born in 1948.[38] Military service Nixon as a lieutenant commander in the United States Navy, c. 1945 In January 1942, the couple moved to Washington, D.C., where Nixon took a job at the Office of Price Administration.[25] In his political campaigns, Nixon suggested that this was his response to Pearl Harbor, but he had sought the position throughout the latter part of 1941. Both Nixon and his wife believed he was limiting his prospects by remaining in Whittier.[39] He was assigned to the tire rationing division, where he was tasked with replying to correspondence. He did not enjoy the role, and four months later applied to join the United States Navy.[40] Though he could have claimed an exemption from the draft as a birthright Quaker, or a deferral due to his government service, Nixon nevertheless sought a commission in the Navy. His application was approved, and he was appointed a lieutenant junior grade in the United States Naval Reserve on June 15, 1942.[41][42] In October 1942, after securing a home in Alexandria, Virginia, he was given his first assignment as aide to the commander of the Naval Air Station Ottumwa in Wapello County, Iowa until May 1943.[41][43] Seeking more excitement, he requested sea duty; on July 2, 1943, he was assigned to Marine Aircraft Group 25 and the South Pacific Combat Air Transport Command (SCAT), where he supported the logistics of operations in the South Pacific theater during World War II.[44][45][46] On October 1, 1943, Nixon was promoted to lieutenant.[41] Nixon commanded the SCAT forward detachments at Vella Lavella, Bougainville, and finally at Nissan Island.[41][46] His unit prepared manifests and flight plans for R4D/C-47 operations and supervised the loading and unloading of the transport aircraft. For this service, he received a Navy Letter of Commendation, awarded a Navy Commendation Ribbon, which was later updated to the Navy and Marine Corps Commendation Medal, from his commanding officer for "meritorious and efficient performance of duty as Officer in Charge of the South Pacific Combat Air Transport Command". Upon his return to the U.S., Nixon was appointed the administrative officer of the Alameda Naval Air Station in Alameda, California. In January 1945, he was transferred to the Bureau of Aeronautics office in Philadelphia, where he helped negotiate the termination of World War II contracts, and received his second letter of commendation, from the Secretary of the Navy[47] for "meritorious service, tireless effort, and devotion to duty". Later, Nixon was transferred to other offices to work on contracts and finally to Baltimore.[48] On October 3, 1945, he was promoted to lieutenant commander.[41][47] On March 10, 1946, he was relieved of active duty.[41] On June 1, 1953, he was promoted to commander in the U.S. Naval Reserve, and he retired from the U.S. Naval Reserve on June 6, 1966.[41] While in the Navy, Nixon became a very good five-card stud poker player, helping finance his first congressional campaign with the winnings. In a 1983 interview, he described turning down an invitation to dine with Charles Lindbergh because he was hosting a game.[49][50] U.S. House of Representatives (1947–1950) See also: 1946 California's 12th congressional district election Nixon's 1946 congressional campaign flyer Nixon in Yorba Linda, California in April 1950 Nixon campaigning for the Senate in 1950 Republicans in California's 12th congressional district were frustrated by their inability to defeat Democratic representative Jerry Voorhis, and they sought a consensus candidate who would run a strong campaign against him. In 1945, they formed a "Committee of 100" to decide on a candidate, hoping to avoid internal dissensions which had led to previous Voorhis victories. After the committee failed to attract higher-profile candidates, Herman Perry, manager of Whittier's Bank of America branch, suggested Nixon, a family friend with whom he had served on Whittier College's board of trustees before the war. Perry wrote to Nixon in Baltimore, and after a night of excited conversation with his wife, Nixon gave Perry an enthused response. Nixon flew to California and was selected by the committee. When he left the Navy at the start of 1946, Nixon and his wife returned to Whittier, where he began a year of intensive campaigning.[51][52] He contended that Voorhis had been ineffective as a representative and suggested that Voorhis's endorsement by a group linked to Communists meant that Voorhis must have radical views.[53] Nixon won the election, receiving 65,586 votes to Voorhis's 49,994.[54] In June 1947, Nixon supported the Taft–Hartley Act, a federal law that monitors the activities and power of labor unions, and he served on the Education and Labor Committee. In August 1947, he became one of 19 House members to serve on the Herter Committee,[55] which went to Europe to report on the need for U.S. foreign aid. Nixon was the youngest member of the committee and the only Westerner.[56] Advocacy by Herter Committee members, including Nixon, led to congressional passage of the Marshall Plan.[57] In his memoirs, Nixon wrote that he joined the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) "at the end of 1947". However, he was already a HUAC member in early February 1947, when he heard "Enemy Number One" Gerhard Eisler and his sister Ruth Fischer testify. On February 18, 1947, Nixon referred to Eisler's belligerence toward HUAC in his maiden speech to the House. Also by early February 1947, fellow U.S. Representative Charles J. Kersten had introduced him to Father John Francis Cronin in Baltimore. Cronin shared with Nixon his 1945 privately circulated paper "The Problem of American Communism in 1945",[58] with much information from the FBI's William C. Sullivan who by 1961 headed domestic intelligence under J. Edgar Hoover.[59] By May 1948, Nixon had co-sponsored the Mundt–Nixon Bill to implement "a new approach to the complicated problem of internal communist subversion ... It provided for registration of all Communist Party members and required a statement of the source of all printed and broadcast material issued by organizations that were found to be Communist fronts." He served as floor manager for the Republican Party. On May 19, 1948, the bill passed the House by 319 to 58, but later it failed to pass the Senate.[60] The Nixon Library cites this bill's passage as Nixon's first significant victory in Congress.[61] Nixon first gained national attention in August 1948, when his persistence as a House Un-American Activities Committee member helped break the Alger Hiss spy case. While many doubted Whittaker Chambers's allegations that Hiss, a former State Department official, had been a Soviet spy, Nixon believed them to be true and pressed for the committee to continue its investigation. After Hiss filed suit, alleging defamation, Chambers produced documents corroborating his allegations, including paper and microfilm copies that Chambers turned over to House investigators after hiding them overnight in a field; they became known as the "Pumpkin Papers".[62] Hiss was convicted of perjury in 1950 for denying under oath he had passed documents to Chambers.[63] In 1948, Nixon successfully cross-filed as a candidate in his district, winning both major party primaries,[64] and was comfortably reelected.[65] U.S. Senate (1950–1953) See also: 1950 United States Senate election in California Nixon campaigning in Sausalito, California in 1950 In 1949, Nixon began to consider running for the United States Senate against the Democratic incumbent, Sheridan Downey,[66] and entered the race in November.[67] Downey, faced with a bitter primary battle with Representative Helen Gahagan Douglas, announced his retirement in March 1950.[68] Nixon and Douglas won the primary elections[69] and engaged in a contentious campaign in which the ongoing Korean War was a major issue.[70] Nixon tried to focus attention on Douglas's liberal voting record. As part of that effort, a "Pink Sheet" was distributed by the Nixon campaign suggesting that Douglas's voting record was similar to that of New York Congressman Vito Marcantonio, reputed to be a communist, and their political views must be nearly identical.[71] Nixon won the election by almost twenty percentage points.[72] During the campaign, Nixon was first called "Tricky Dick" by his opponents for his campaign tactics.[73] In the Senate, Nixon took a prominent position in opposing global communism, traveling frequently and speaking out against it.[74] He maintained friendly relations with his fellow anti-communist, controversial Wisconsin senator Joseph McCarthy, but was careful to keep some distance between himself and McCarthy's allegations.[75] Nixon also criticized President Harry S. Truman's handling of the Korean War.[74] He supported statehood for Alaska and Hawaii, voted in favor of civil rights for minorities, and supported federal disaster relief for India and Yugoslavia.[76] He voted against price controls and other monetary restrictions, benefits for illegal immigrants, and public power.[76] Vice presidency (1953–1961) See also: Presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower Further information: Checkers speech Front cover of campaign literature for the Eisenhower–Nixon campaign in the 1952 presidential election Nixon's official portrait as vice president Nikita Khrushchev and Nixon speak as the press looks on at the Kitchen Debate on July 24, 1959; What's My Line? host John Charles Daly is on the far left. General Dwight D. Eisenhower was nominated for president by the Republicans in 1952. He had no strong preference for a vice-presidential candidate, and Republican officeholders and party officials met in a "smoke-filled room" and recommended Nixon to the general, who agreed to the senator's selection. Nixon's youth (he was then 39), stance against communism, and political base in California—one of the largest states—were all seen as vote-winners by the leaders. Among the candidates considered along with Nixon were Ohio Senator Robert A. Taft, New Jersey Governor Alfred Driscoll, and Illinois Senator Everett Dirksen.[77][78] On the campaign trail, Eisenhower spoke of his plans for the country, and left the negative campaigning to his running mate.[79] In mid-September, the Republican ticket faced a major crisis when the media reported that Nixon had a political fund, maintained by his backers, which reimbursed him for political expenses.[80][81] Such a fund was not illegal, but it exposed Nixon to allegations of a potential conflict of interest. With pressure building for Eisenhower to demand Nixon's resignation from the ticket, Nixon went on television to address the nation on September 23, 1952.[82] The address, later named the Checkers speech, was heard by about 60 million Americans, which represented the largest audience ever for a television broadcast at that point.[83] In the speech, Nixon emotionally defended himself, stating that the fund was not secret and that his donors had not received special favors. He painted himself as a patriot and man of modest means, mentioning that his wife had no mink coat; instead, he said, she wore a "respectable Republican cloth coat".[82] The speech was remembered for the gift which Nixon had received, but which he would not give back, which he described as "a little cocker spaniel dog ...sent all the way from Texas. And our little girl—Tricia, the 6-year-old—named it Checkers."[82] The speech prompted a huge public outpouring of support for Nixon.[84] Eisenhower decided to retain him on the ticket,[85] and the ticket was victorious in the November election.[79] Eisenhower granted Nixon more responsibilities during his term than any previous vice president.[86] Nixon attended Cabinet and National Security Council meetings and chaired them in Eisenhower's absence. A 1953 tour of the Far East succeeded in increasing local goodwill toward the United States, and gave Nixon an appreciation of the region as a potential industrial center. He visited Saigon and Hanoi in French Indochina.[87] On his return to the United States at the end of 1953, Nixon increased the time he devoted to foreign relations.[88] Biographer Irwin Gellman, who chronicled Nixon's congressional years, said of his vice presidency: Eisenhower radically altered the role of his running mate by presenting him with critical assignments in both foreign and domestic affairs once he assumed his office. The vice president welcomed the president's initiatives and worked energetically to accomplish White House objectives. Because of the collaboration between these two leaders, Nixon deserves the title, "the first modern vice president".[89] Los Angeles Times San Francisco Chronicle American newspaper covers on May 9, 1958, covering student protests against Nixon at the National University of San Marcos in Lima, Peru Despite intense campaigning by Nixon, who reprised his strong attacks on the Democrats, the Republicans lost control of both houses of Congress in the 1954 elections. These losses caused Nixon to contemplate leaving politics once he had served out his term.[90] On September 24, 1955, President Eisenhower suffered a heart attack and his condition was initially believed to be life-threatening. Eisenhower was unable to perform his duties for six weeks. The 25th Amendment to the United States Constitution had not yet been proposed, and the vice president had no formal power to act. Nonetheless, Nixon acted in Eisenhower's stead during this period, presiding over Cabinet meetings and ensuring that aides and Cabinet officers did not seek power.[91] According to Nixon biographer Stephen Ambrose, Nixon had "earned the high praise he received for his conduct during the crisis ... he made no attempt to seize power".[92] His spirits buoyed, Nixon sought a second term, but some of Eisenhower's aides aimed to displace him. In a December 1955 meeting, Eisenhower proposed that Nixon not run for reelection and instead become a Cabinet officer in a second Eisenhower administration, in order to give him administrative experience before a 1960 presidential run. Nixon believed this would destroy his political career. When Eisenhower announced his reelection bid in February 1956, he hedged on the choice of his running mate, saying it was improper to address that question until he had been renominated. Although no Republican was opposing Eisenhower, Nixon received a substantial number of write-in votes against the president in the 1956 New Hampshire primary election. In late April, the President announced that Nixon would again be his running mate.[93] Eisenhower and Nixon were reelected by a comfortable margin in the November 1956 election.[94] In early 1957, Nixon undertook another foreign trip, this time to Africa. On his return, he helped shepherd the Civil Rights Act of 1957 through Congress. The bill was weakened in the Senate, and civil rights leaders were divided over whether Eisenhower should sign it. Nixon advised the President to sign the bill, which he did.[95] Eisenhower suffered a mild stroke in November 1957, and Nixon gave a press conference, assuring the nation that the Cabinet was functioning well as a team during Eisenhower's brief illness.[96] On April 27, 1958, Richard and Pat Nixon reluctantly embarked on a goodwill tour of South America. In Montevideo, Uruguay, Nixon made an impromptu visit to a college campus, where he fielded questions from students on U.S. foreign policy. The trip was uneventful until the Nixon party reached Lima, Peru, where he was met with student demonstrations. Nixon went to the historical campus of National University of San Marcos, the oldest university in the Americas, got out of his car to confront the students, and stayed until forced back into the car by a volley of thrown objects. At his hotel, Nixon faced another mob, and one demonstrator spat on him.[97] In Caracas, Venezuela, Nixon and his wife were spat on by anti-American demonstrators and their limousine was attacked by a pipe-wielding mob.[98] According to Ambrose, Nixon's courageous conduct "caused even some of his bitterest enemies to give him some grudging respect".[99] Reporting to the cabinet after the trip, Nixon claimed there was "absolute proof that [the protestors] were directed and controlled by a central Communist conspiracy." Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and his brother, Director of Central Intelligence Allen Dulles, both concurred with Nixon.[100] In July 1959, President Eisenhower sent Nixon to the Soviet Union for the opening of the American National Exhibition in Moscow. On July 24, Nixon was touring the exhibits with Soviet First Secretary and Premier Nikita Khrushchev when the two stopped at a model of an American kitchen and engaged in an impromptu exchange about the merits of capitalism versus communism that became known as the "Kitchen Debate".[101][102] 1960 presidential campaign Main article: 1960 United States presidential election John F. Kennedy and Nixon before their first televised 1960 debate 1960 electoral vote results Nixon and successor Lyndon B. Johnson at Kennedy's 1961 inauguration In 1960, Nixon launched his first campaign for President of the United States, officially announcing on January 9, 1960.[103] He faced little opposition in the Republican primaries[104] and chose former Massachusetts Senator Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. as his running mate.[105] His Democratic opponent was John F. Kennedy and the race remained close for the duration.[106] Nixon campaigned on his experience, but Kennedy called for new blood and claimed the Eisenhower–Nixon administration had allowed the Soviet Union to overtake the U.S. in quantity and quality of ballistic missiles.[107] While Kennedy faced issues about his Catholicism, Nixon remained a divisive figure to some.[108] Televised presidential debates made their debut as a political medium during the campaign. In the first of four such debates, Nixon appeared pale, with a five o'clock shadow, in contrast to the photogenic Kennedy.[105] Nixon's performance in the debate was perceived to be mediocre in the visual medium of television, though many people listening on the radio thought Nixon had won.[109] Nixon narrowly lost the election, with Kennedy winning the popular vote by only 112,827 votes (0.2 percent).[105] There were charges of voter fraud in Texas and Illinois, both states won by Kennedy. Nixon refused to consider contesting the election, feeling a lengthy controversy would diminish the United States in the eyes of the world and that the uncertainty would hurt U.S. interests.[110] At the end of his term of office as vice president in January 1961, Nixon and his family returned to California, where he practiced law and wrote a bestselling book, Six Crises, which included coverage of the Hiss case, Eisenhower's heart attack, and the Fund Crisis, which had been resolved by the Checkers speech.[105][111] 1962 California gubernatorial campaign Main article: 1962 California gubernatorial election Local and national Republican leaders encouraged Nixon to challenge incumbent Pat Brown for Governor of California in the 1962 California gubernatorial election.[105] Despite initial reluctance, Nixon entered the race.[105] The campaign was clouded by public suspicion that Nixon viewed the office as a stepping stone for another presidential run, some opposition from the far-right of the party, and his own lack of interest in being California's governor.[105] Nixon hoped a successful run would confirm his status as the nation's leading active Republican politician, and ensure he remained a major player in national politics.[112] Instead, he lost to Brown by more than five percentage points, and the defeat was widely believed to be the end of his political career.[105] In an impromptu concession speech the morning after the election, Nixon blamed the media for favoring his opponent, saying, "You won't have Nixon to kick around anymore because, gentlemen, this is my last press conference."[113] The California defeat was highlighted in the November 11, 1962, episode of Howard K. Smith's ABC News show, Howard K. Smith: News and Comment, titled "The Political Obituary of Richard M. Nixon".[114] Alger Hiss appeared on the program, and many members of the public complained that it was unseemly to give a convicted felon air time to attack a former vice president. The furor drove Smith and his program from the air,[115] and public sympathy for Nixon grew.[114] Wilderness years Nixon shows his papers to an East German officer as he crosses between the sectors of divided Berlin in July 1963 Nixon and Pat meeting Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, Cairo in September 1963 In 1963 the Nixon family traveled to Europe, where Nixon gave press conferences and met with leaders of the countries he visited.[116] The family moved to New York City, where Nixon became a senior partner in the leading law firm Nixon, Mudge, Rose, Guthrie & Alexander.[105] When announcing his California campaign, Nixon had pledged not to run for president in 1964; even if he had not, he believed it would be difficult to defeat Kennedy, or after his assassination, Kennedy's successor, Lyndon Johnson.[117] In 1964, Nixon won write-in votes in the primaries, and was considered a serious contender by both Gallup polls[118][119] and members of the press.[120] He was even placed on a primary ballot as an active candidate by Oregon's secretary of state.[121] As late as two months before the 1964 Republican National Convention, however, Nixon fulfilled his promise to remain out of the presidential nomination process and instead endorsed Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, the Republican nominee. When Goldwater won the nomination, Nixon was selected to introduce him at the convention. Nixon felt that Goldwater was unlikely to win, but campaigned for him loyally. In the 1964 general election, Goldwater lost in a landslide to Johnson and Republicans experienced heavy losses in Congress and among state governors.[122] Nixon was one of the few leading Republicans not blamed for the disastrous results, and he sought to build on that in the 1966 Congressional elections in which he campaigned for many Republicans and sought to regain seats lost in the Johnson landslide. Nixon was credited with helping Republicans win major electoral gains that year.[123] 1968 presidential campaign Main articles: Richard Nixon 1968 presidential campaign and 1968 United States presidential election Nixon and U.S. president Lyndon B. Johnson meet at the White House prior to Nixon's nomination in July 1968 Nixon campaigning for president in Paoli, Pennsylvania, outside Philadelphia, in July 1968 1968 electoral vote results; the popular vote split between Nixon and Democrat Hubert Humphrey was less than one percentage point. At the end of 1967, Nixon told his family he planned to run for president a second time. Pat Nixon did not always enjoy public life,[124] being embarrassed, for example, by the need to reveal how little the family owned in the Checkers speech.[125] She still managed to be supportive of her husband's ambitions. Nixon believed that with the Democrats torn over the issue of the Vietnam War, a Republican had a good chance of winning, although he expected the election to be as close as in 1960.[124] An exceptionally tumultuous primary election season began as the Tet Offensive was launched in January 1968. President Johnson withdrew as a candidate in March, after an unexpectedly poor showing in the New Hampshire primary. In June, Senator Robert F. Kennedy, a Democratic candidate, was assassinated just moments after his victory in the California primary. On the Republican side, Nixon's main opposition was Michigan Governor George Romney, though New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller and California Governor Ronald Reagan each hoped to be nominated in a brokered convention. Nixon secured the nomination on the first ballot.[126] He was able to secure the nomination to the support of many Southern delegates, after he and his subordinates made concessions to Strom Thurmond and Harry Dent.[127] He selected Maryland Governor Spiro Agnew as his running mate, a choice which Nixon believed would unite the party, appealing both to Northern moderates and to Southerners disaffected with the Democrats.[128] Nixon's Democratic opponent in the general election was Vice President Hubert Humphrey, who was nominated at a convention marked by violent protests.[129] Throughout the campaign, Nixon portrayed himself as a figure of stability during this period of national unrest and upheaval.[129] He appealed to what he later called the "silent majority" of socially conservative Americans who disliked the hippie counterculture and the anti-war demonstrators. Agnew became an increasingly vocal critic of these groups, solidifying Nixon's position with the right.[130] Nixon waged a prominent television advertising campaign, meeting with supporters in front of cameras.[131] He stressed that the crime rate was too high, and attacked what he perceived as a surrender of the United States' nuclear superiority by the Democrats.[132] Nixon promised "peace with honor" in the Vietnam War and proclaimed that "new leadership will end the war and win the peace in the Pacific".[133] He did not give specifics of how he hoped to end the war, resulting in media intimations that he must have a "secret plan".[133] His slogan of "Nixon's the One" proved to be effective.[131] Johnson's negotiators hoped to reach a truce in Vietnam, or at least a cessation of bombings. On October 22, 1968, candidate Nixon received information that Johnson was preparing a so-called "October surprise", abandoning three non-negotiable conditions for a bombing halt, to help elect Humphrey in the last days of the campaign.[134] Whether the Nixon campaign interfered with negotiations between the Johnson administration and the South Vietnamese by engaging Anna Chennault, a fundraiser for the Republican party, remains a controversy.[134] It is not clear whether the government of South Vietnam needed encouragement to opt out of a peace process they considered disadvantageous.[135] In a three-way race between Nixon, Humphrey, and American Independent Party candidate George Wallace, Nixon defeated Humphrey by only 500,000 votes, a margin almost as close as in 1960, with both elections seeing a gap of less than one percentage point of the popular vote. However, Nixon earned 301 electoral votes to 191 for Humphrey and 46 for Wallace, a majority.[129][136] He became the first non-incumbent vice president to be elected president.[137] In his victory speech, Nixon pledged that his administration would try to bring the divided nation together.[138] Nixon said: "I have received a very gracious message from the Vice President, congratulating me for winning the election. I congratulated him for his gallant and courageous fight against great odds. I also told him that I know exactly how he felt. I know how it feels to lose a close one."[139] Presidency (1969–1974) Main article: Presidency of Richard Nixon For a chronological guide, see Timeline of the Richard Nixon presidency. Nixon is sworn in as the 37th President by Chief Justice Earl Warren. The new First Lady, Pat, holds the family Bible. Nixon was inaugurated as president on January 20, 1969, sworn in by his onetime political rival, Chief Justice Earl Warren. Pat Nixon held the family Bibles open at Isaiah 2:4, which reads, "They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning hooks." In his inaugural address, which received almost uniformly positive reviews, Nixon remarked that "the greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker"[140]—a phrase that found a place on his gravestone.[141] He spoke about turning partisan politics into a new age of unity: In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading. We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another, until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.[142] Foreign policy Main article: Foreign policy of the Richard Nixon administration China Main article: 1972 visit by Richard Nixon to China President Nixon shakes hands with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai upon arriving in Beijing, 1972. Nixon and Zhou Enlai toast during Nixon's 1972 visit to China. Nixon laid the groundwork for his overture to China before he became president, writing in Foreign Affairs a year before his election: "There is no place on this small planet for a billion of its potentially most able people to live in angry isolation."[143] Assisting him in this venture was Henry Kissinger, Nixon's National Security Advisor and future Secretary of State. They collaborated closely, bypassing Cabinet officials. With relations between the Soviet Union and China at a nadir—border clashes between the two took place during Nixon's first year in office—Nixon sent private word to the Chinese that he desired closer relations. A breakthrough came in early 1971, when Chinese Communist Party (CCP) chairman Mao Zedong invited a team of American table tennis players to visit China and play against top Chinese players. Nixon followed up by sending Kissinger to China for clandestine meetings with Chinese officials.[143] On July 15, 1971, with announcements from Washington and Beijing, it was learned that the President would visit China the following February.[144] The secrecy had allowed both sets of leaders time to prepare the political climate in their countries for the visit.[145] In February 1972, Nixon and his wife traveled to China after Kissinger briefed Nixon for over 40 hours in preparation.[146] Upon touching down, the President and First Lady emerged from Air Force One and were greeted by Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. Nixon made a point of shaking Zhou's hand, something which then-Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had refused to do in 1954 when the two met in Geneva.[147] More than a hundred television journalists accompanied the president. On Nixon's orders, television was strongly favored over printed publications, as Nixon felt that the medium would capture the visit much better than print. It also gave him the opportunity to snub the print journalists he despised.[147] Mao Zedong and Nixon Nixon and Kissinger immediately met for an hour with CCP Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou at Mao's official private residence, where they discussed a range of issues.[148] Mao later told his doctor that he had been impressed by Nixon's forthrightness, unlike the leftists and the Soviets.[148] He said he was suspicious of Kissinger,[148] though the National Security Advisor referred to their meeting as his "encounter with history".[147] A formal banquet welcoming the presidential party was given that evening in the Great Hall of the People. The following day, Nixon met with Zhou; the joint communique following this meeting recognized Taiwan as a part of China and looked forward to a peaceful solution to the problem of reunification.[149] When not in meetings, Nixon toured architectural wonders, including the Forbidden City, the Ming tombs, and the Great Wall.[147] Americans took their first glance into everyday Chinese life through the cameras that accompanied Pat Nixon, who toured the city of Beijing and visited communes, schools, factories, and hospitals.[147] The visit ushered in a new era of US–China relations.[129] Fearing the possibility of a US–China alliance, the Soviet Union yielded to pressure for détente with the United States.[150] This was one component of triangular diplomacy.[151] Vietnam War Main articles: Vietnam War, Vietnamization, and Role of the United States in the Vietnam War Nixon delivers an address to the nation about the incursion in Cambodia. When Nixon took office, about 300 American soldiers were dying each week in Vietnam,[152] and the war was widely unpopular in the United States, the subject of ongoing violent protests. The Johnson administration had offered to suspend bombing unconditionally in exchange for negotiations, but to no avail. According to Walter Isaacson, Nixon concluded soon after taking office that the Vietnam War could not be won, and he was determined to end it quickly.[153] He sought an arrangement that would permit American forces to withdraw while leaving South Vietnam secure against attack.[154] Nixon approved a secret B-52 carpet bombing campaign of North Vietnamese and Khmer Rouge positions in Cambodia beginning in March 1969 and code-named Operation Menu, without the consent of Cambodian leader Norodom Sihanouk.[155][156][157] In mid-1969, Nixon began efforts to negotiate peace with the North Vietnamese, sending a personal letter to their leaders, and peace talks began in Paris. Initial talks did not result in an agreement,[158] and in May 1969 he publicly proposed to withdraw all American troops from South Vietnam provided North Vietnam did so, and suggesting South Vietnam hold internationally supervised elections with Viet Cong participation.[159] Nixon visits American troops in South Vietnam, July 30, 1969. In July 1969, Nixon visited South Vietnam, where he met with his U.S. military commanders and President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu. Amid protests at home demanding an immediate pullout, he implemented a strategy of replacing American troops with Vietnamese troops, known as "Vietnamization".[129] He soon instituted phased U.S. troop withdrawals,[160] but also authorized incursions into Laos, in part to interrupt the Ho Chi Minh trail passing through Laos and Cambodia and used to supply North Vietnamese forces. In March 1970, at the explicit request of the Khmer Rouge and negotiated by Pol Pot's then-second-in-command, Nuon Chea, North Vietnamese troops launched an offensive and overran much of Cambodia.[161] Nixon announced the ground invasion of Cambodia on April 30, 1970, against North Vietnamese bases in the east of the country,[162] and further protests erupted against perceived expansion of the conflict, which resulted in Ohio National Guardsmen killing four unarmed students at Kent State University.[163] Nixon's responses to protesters included an impromptu, early morning meeting with them at the Lincoln Memorial on May 9, 1970.[164][165][166] Nixon's campaign promise to curb the war, contrasted with the escalated bombing, led to claims that Nixon had a "credibility gap" on the issue.[160] It is estimated that between 50,000 and 150,000 people were killed during the bombing of Cambodia between 1970 and 1973.[156] In 1971, excerpts from the "Pentagon Papers", which had been leaked by Daniel Ellsberg, were published by The New York Times and The Washington Post. When news of the leak first appeared, Nixon was inclined to do nothing; the Papers, a history of United States' involvement in Vietnam, mostly concerned the lies of prior administrations and contained few real revelations. He was persuaded by Kissinger that the Papers were more harmful than they appeared, and the President tried to prevent publication, but the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the newspapers.[167] As U.S. troop withdrawals continued, conscription was phased out by 1973, and the armed forces became all-volunteer.[168] After years of fighting, the Paris Peace Accords were signed at the beginning of 1973. The agreement implemented a cease fire and allowed for the withdrawal of remaining American troops without requiring withdrawal of the 160,000 North Vietnam Army regulars located in the South.[169] Once American combat support ended, there was a brief truce, before fighting resumed, and North Vietnam conquered South Vietnam in 1975.[170] Latin American policy See also: U.S. intervention in Chile § 1973 coup, and Operation Condor Nixon with Mexican president Gustavo Díaz Ordaz (to his right); motorcade in San Diego, California, September 1970 Nixon had been a firm supporter of Kennedy during the 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion and 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. On taking office in 1969, he stepped up covert operations against Cuba and its president, Fidel Castro. He maintained close relations with the Cuban-American exile community through his friend, Bebe Rebozo, who often suggested ways of irritating Castro. The Soviets and Cubans became concerned, fearing Nixon might attack Cuba and break the understanding between Kennedy and Khrushchev that ended the missile crisis. In August 1970, the Soviets asked Nixon to reaffirm the understanding, which he did, despite his hard line against Castro. The process was not completed before the Soviets began expanding their base at the Cuban port of Cienfuegos in October 1970. A minor confrontation ensued, the Soviets stipulated they would not use Cienfuegos for submarines bearing ballistic missiles, and the final round of diplomatic notes were exchanged in November.[171] The election of Marxist candidate Salvador Allende as President of Chile in September 1970 spurred a vigorous campaign of covert opposition to him by Nixon and Kissinger.[172]: 25  This began by trying to convince the Chilean congress to confirm Jorge Alessandri as the winner of the election, and then messages to military officers in support of a coup.[172] Other support included strikes organized against Allende and funding for Allende opponents. It was even alleged that "Nixon personally authorized" $700,000 in covert funds to print anti-Allende messages in a prominent Chilean newspaper.[172]: 93  Following an extended period of social, political, and economic unrest, General Augusto Pinochet assumed power in a violent coup d'état on September 11, 1973; among the dead was Allende.[173] Soviet Union Nixon with Brezhnev during the Soviet leader's trip to the U.S., 1973 Nixon used the improving international environment to address the topic of nuclear peace. Following the announcement of his visit to China, the Nixon administration concluded negotiations for him to visit the Soviet Union. The President and First Lady arrived in Moscow on May 22, 1972, and met with Leonid Brezhnev, the General Secretary of the Communist Party; Alexei Kosygin, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers; and Nikolai Podgorny, the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, among other leading Soviet officials.[174] Nixon engaged in intense negotiations with Brezhnev.[174] Out of the summit came agreements for increased trade and two landmark arms control treaties: SALT I, the first comprehensive limitation pact signed by the two superpowers,[129] and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which banned the development of systems designed to intercept incoming missiles. Nixon and Brezhnev proclaimed a new era of "peaceful coexistence". A banquet was held that evening at the Kremlin.[174] Nixon and Kissinger planned to link arms control to détente and to the resolution of other urgent problems through what Nixon called "linkage." David Tal argues: The linkage between strategic arms limitations and outstanding issues such as the Middle East, Berlin and, foremost, Vietnam thus became central to Nixon's and Kissinger's policy of détente. Through the employment of linkage, they hoped to change the nature and course of U.S. foreign policy, including U.S. nuclear disarmament and arms control policy, and to separate them from those practiced by Nixon's predecessors. They also intended, through linkage, to make U.S. arms control policy part of détente ... His policy of linkage had in fact failed. It failed mainly because it was based on flawed assumptions and false premises, the foremost of which was that the Soviet Union wanted strategic arms limitation agreement much more than the United States did.[175] Seeking to foster better relations with the United States, China and the Soviet Union both cut back on their diplomatic support for North Vietnam and advised Hanoi to come to terms militarily.[176] Nixon later described his strategy: I had long believed that an indispensable element of any successful peace initiative in Vietnam was to enlist, if possible, the help of the Soviets and the Chinese. Though rapprochement with China and détente with the Soviet Union were ends in themselves, I also considered them possible means to hasten the end of the war. At worst, Hanoi was bound to feel less confident if Washington was dealing with Moscow and Beijing. At best, if the two major Communist powers decided that they had bigger fish to fry, Hanoi would be pressured into negotiating a settlement we could accept.[177] In 1973, Nixon encouraged the Export-Import Bank to finance in part a trade deal with the Soviet Union in which Armand Hammer's Occidental Petroleum would export phosphate from Florida to the Soviet Union, and import Soviet ammonia. The deal, valued at $20 billion over 20 years, involved the construction of two major Soviet port facilities at Odessa and Ventspils,[178][179][180] and a pipeline connecting four ammonia plants in the greater Volga region to the port at Odessa.[180] In 1973, Nixon announced his administration was committed to seeking most favored nation trade status with the USSR,[181] which was challenged by Congress in the Jackson-Vanik Amendment.[182] During the previous two years, Nixon had made considerable progress in U.S.–Soviet relations, and he embarked on a second trip to the Soviet Union in 1974.[183] He arrived in Moscow on June 27 to a welcome ceremony, cheering crowds, and a state dinner at the Grand Kremlin Palace that evening.[183] Nixon and Brezhnev met in Yalta, where they discussed a proposed mutual defense pact, détente, and MIRVs. Nixon considered proposing a comprehensive test-ban treaty, but he felt he would not have time to complete it during his presidency.[183] There were no significant breakthroughs in these negotiations.[183] Middle Eastern policy Nixon with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, June 1974. Nixon with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, June 1974 Nixon with President Anwar Sadat of Egypt, June 1974 As part of the Nixon Doctrine, the U.S. avoided giving direct combat assistance to its allies and instead gave them assistance to defend themselves. During the Nixon administration, the U.S. greatly increased arms sales to the Middle East, particularly Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia.[184] The Nixon administration strongly supported Israel, an American ally in the Middle East, but the support was not unconditional. Nixon believed Israel should make peace with its Arab neighbors and that the U.S. should encourage it. The president believed that—except during the Suez Crisis—the U.S. had failed to intervene with Israel, and should use the leverage of the large U.S. military aid to Israel to urge the parties to the negotiating table. The Arab-Israeli conflict was not a major focus of Nixon's attention during his first term—for one thing, he felt that no matter what he did, American Jews would oppose his reelection.[a] On October 6, 1973, an Arab coalition led by Egypt and Syria, supported with arms and materiel by the Soviet Union, attacked Israel in the Yom Kippur War. Israel suffered heavy losses and Nixon ordered an airlift to resupply Israeli losses, cutting through inter-departmental squabbles and bureaucracy and taking personal responsibility for any response by Arab nations. More than a week later, by the time the U.S. and Soviet Union began negotiating a truce, Israel had penetrated deep into enemy territory. The truce negotiations rapidly escalated into a superpower crisis; when Israel gained the upper hand, Egyptian President Sadat requested a joint U.S.–USSR peacekeeping mission, which the U.S. refused. When Soviet Premier Brezhnev threatened to unilaterally enforce any peacekeeping mission militarily, Nixon ordered the U.S. military to DEFCON3,[185] placing all U.S. military personnel and bases on alert for nuclear war. This was the closest the world had come to nuclear war since the Cuban Missile Crisis. Brezhnev backed down as a result of Nixon's actions.[186] Because Israel's victory was largely due to U.S. support, the Arab OPEC nations retaliated by refusing to sell crude oil to the U.S., resulting in the 1973 oil crisis.[187] The embargo caused gasoline shortages and rationing in the United States in late 1973, and was eventually ended by the oil-producing nations as peace in the Middle East took hold.[188] After the war, and under Nixon's presidency, the U.S. reestablished relations with Egypt for the first time since 1967. Nixon used the Middle East crisis to restart the stalled Middle East Peace Negotiations; he wrote in a confidential memo to Kissinger on October 20: I believe that, beyond a doubt, we are now facing the best opportunity we have had in 15 years to build a lasting peace in the Middle East. I am convinced history will hold us responsible if we let this opportunity slip by ... I now consider a permanent Middle East settlement to be the most important final goal to which we must devote ourselves.[189] Nixon made one of his final international visits as president to the Middle East in June 1974, and became the first President to visit Israel.[190] Domestic policy Economy Further information: Nixon shock and 1970s energy crisis Nixon at the Washington Senators' 1969 Opening Day with team owner Bob Short (arms folded) and Baseball Commissioner Bowie Kuhn (hand on mouth). Nixon's aide, Major Jack Brennan, sits behind them in uniform. At the time Nixon took office in 1969, inflation was at 4.7 percent—its highest rate since the Korean War. The Great Society had been enacted under Johnson, which, together with the Vietnam War costs, was causing large budget deficits. Unemployment was low, but interest rates were at their highest in a century.[191] Nixon's major economic goal was to reduce inflation; the most obvious means of doing so was to end the war.[191] This could not be accomplished overnight, and the U.S. economy continued to struggle through 1970, contributing to a lackluster Republican performance in the midterm congressional elections (Democrats controlled both Houses of Congress throughout Nixon's presidency).[192] According to political economist Nigel Bowles in his 2011 study of Nixon's economic record, the new president did little to alter Johnson's policies through the first year of his presidency.[193] Nixon was far more interested in foreign affairs than domestic policies, but he believed that voters tend to focus on their own financial condition and that economic conditions were a threat to his reelection. As part of his "New Federalism" views, he proposed grants to the states, but these proposals were for the most part lost in the congressional budget process. However, Nixon gained political credit for advocating them.[192] In 1970, Congress had granted the president the power to impose wage and price freezes, though the Democratic majorities, knowing Nixon had opposed such controls throughout his career, did not expect Nixon to actually use the authority.[193] With inflation unresolved by August 1971, and an election year looming, Nixon convened a summit of his economic advisers at Camp David. Nixon's options were to limit fiscal and monetary expansionist policies that reduced unemployment or end the dollar's fixed exchange rate; Nixon's dilemma has been cited as an example of the Impossible trinity in international economics.[194][195] He then announced temporary wage and price controls, allowed the dollar to float against other currencies, and ended the convertibility of the dollar into gold.[196] Bowles points out, by identifying himself with a policy whose purpose was inflation's defeat, Nixon made it difficult for Democratic opponents ... to criticize him. His opponents could offer no alternative policy that was either plausible or believable since the one they favored was one they had designed but which the president had appropriated for himself.[193] Nixon's policies dampened inflation through 1972, although their aftereffects contributed to inflation during his second term and into the Ford administration.[196] Nixon's decision to end the gold standard in the United States led to the collapse of the Bretton Woods system. According to Thomas Oatley, "the Bretton Woods system collapsed so that Nixon might win the 1972 presidential election."[194] After Nixon won re-election, inflation was returning.[197] He reimposed price controls in June 1973. The price controls became unpopular with the public and businesspeople, who saw powerful labor unions as preferable to the price board bureaucracy.[197] The controls produced food shortages, as meat disappeared from grocery stores and farmers drowned chickens rather than sell them at a loss.[197] Despite the failure to control inflation, controls were slowly ended, and on April 30, 1974, their statutory authorization lapsed.[197] Governmental initiatives and organization Nixon gives the 1971 State of the Union Address. Official Nixon portrait by James Anthony Wills, c. 1984 Graph of increases in U.S. incarceration rate Nixon advocated a "New Federalism", which would devolve power to state and local elected officials, though Congress was hostile to these ideas and enacted few of them.[198] He eliminated the Cabinet-level United States Post Office Department, which in 1971 became the government-run United States Postal Service.[199] Nixon was a late supporter of the conservation movement. Environmental policy had not been a significant issue in the 1968 election, and the candidates were rarely asked for their views on the subject. Nixon broke new ground by discussing environmental policy in his State of the Union speech in 1970. He saw that the first Earth Day in April 1970 presaged a wave of voter interest on the subject, and sought to use that to his benefit; in June he announced the formation of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).[200] He relied on his domestic advisor John Ehrlichman, who favored protection of natural resources, to keep him "out of trouble on environmental issues."[201] Other initiatives supported by Nixon included the Clean Air Act of 1970 and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), and the National Environmental Policy Act required environmental impact statements for many Federal projects.[201][200] Nixon vetoed the Clean Water Act of 1972—objecting not to the policy goals of the legislation but to the amount of money to be spent on them, which he deemed excessive. After Congress overrode his veto, Nixon impounded the funds he deemed unjustifiable.[202] In 1971, Nixon proposed health insurance reform—a private health insurance employer mandate,[b] federalization of Medicaid for poor families with dependent minor children,[203] and support for health maintenance organizations (HMOs).[204] A limited HMO bill was enacted in 1973.[204] In 1974, Nixon proposed more comprehensive health insurance reform—a private health insurance employer mandate[b] and replacement of Medicaid by state-run health insurance plans available to all, with income-based premiums and cost sharing.[205] Nixon was concerned about the prevalence of domestic drug use in addition to drug use among American soldiers in Vietnam. He called for a war on drugs and pledged to cut off sources of supply abroad. He also increased funds for education and for rehabilitation facilities.[206] As one policy initiative, Nixon called for more money for sickle-cell research, treatment, and education in February 1971[207] and signed the National Sickle Cell Anemia Control Act on May 16, 1972.[208][209][c] While Nixon called for increased spending on such high-profile items as sickle-cell disease and for a war on cancer, at the same time he sought to reduce overall spending at the National Institutes of Health.[210] Civil rights The Nixon presidency witnessed the first large-scale integration of public schools in the South.[211] Nixon sought a middle way between the segregationist Wallace and liberal Democrats, whose support of integration was alienating some Southern whites.[212] Hopeful of doing well in the South in 1972, he sought to dispose of desegregation as a political issue before then. Soon after his inauguration, he appointed Vice President Agnew to lead a task force, which worked with local leaders—both white and black—to determine how to integrate local schools. Agnew had little interest in the work, and most of it was done by Labor Secretary George Shultz. Federal aid was available, and a meeting with President Nixon was a possible reward for compliant committees. By September 1970, less than ten percent of black children were attending segregated schools. By 1971, however, tensions over desegregation surfaced in Northern cities, with angry protests over the busing of

The dark side of history: https://thememoryhole.substack.com/ Bali (/ˈbɑːli/; Balinese: ᬩᬮᬶ) is a province of Indonesia and the westernmost of the Lesser Sunda Islands. East of Java and west of Lombok, the province includes the island of Bali and a few smaller offshore islands, notably Nusa Penida, Nusa Lembongan, and Nusa Ceningan to the southeast. The provincial capital, Denpasar,[7] is the most populous city in the Lesser Sunda Islands and the second-largest, after Makassar, in Eastern Indonesia. The upland town of Ubud in Greater Denpasar is considered Bali's cultural centre. The province is Indonesia's main tourist destination, with a significant rise in tourism since the 1980s.[8] Tourism-related business makes up 80% of its economy.[9] Bali is the only Hindu-majority province in Indonesia, with 86.9% of the population adhering to Balinese Hinduism.[3] It is renowned for its highly developed arts, including traditional and modern dance, sculpture, painting, leather, metalworking, and music. The Indonesian International Film Festival is held every year in Bali. Other international events that have been held in Bali include Miss World 2013, the 2018 Annual Meetings of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank Group and the 2022 G20 summit. In March 2017, TripAdvisor named Bali as the world's top destination in its Traveller's Choice award, which it also earned in January 2021.[10][11] Bali is part of the Coral Triangle, the area with the highest biodiversity of marine species, especially fish and turtles.[12] In this area alone, over 500 reef-building coral species can be found. For comparison, this is about seven times as many as in the entire Caribbean.[13] Bali is the home of the Subak irrigation system, a UNESCO World Heritage Site.[14] It is also home to a unified confederation of kingdoms composed of 10 traditional royal Balinese houses, each house ruling a specific geographic area. The confederation is the successor of the Bali Kingdom. The royal houses are not recognised by the government of Indonesia; however, they originated before Dutch colonisation.[15] History Main article: History of Bali Ancient Subak irrigation system Bali was inhabited around 2000 BC by Austronesian people who migrated originally from the island of Taiwan to Southeast Asia and Oceania through Maritime Southeast Asia.[16][17] Culturally and linguistically, the Balinese are closely related to the people of the Indonesian archipelago, Malaysia, Brunei, the Philippines, and Oceania.[17] Stone tools dating from this time have been found near the village of Cekik in the island's west.[18][19] In ancient Bali, nine Hindu sects existed, the Pasupata, Bhairawa, Siwa Shidanta, Vaishnava, Bodha, Brahma, Resi, Sora and Ganapatya. Each sect revered a specific deity as its personal Godhead.[20] Inscriptions from 896 and 911 do not mention a king, until 914, when Sri Kesarivarma is mentioned. They also reveal an independent Bali, with a distinct dialect, where Buddhism and Shaivism were practised simultaneously. Mpu Sindok's great-granddaughter, Mahendradatta (Gunapriyadharmapatni), married the Bali king Udayana Warmadewa (Dharmodayanavarmadeva) around 989, giving birth to Airlangga around 1001. This marriage also brought more Hinduism and Javanese culture to Bali. Princess Sakalendukirana appeared in 1098. Suradhipa reigned from 1115 to 1119, and Jayasakti from 1146 until 1150. Jayapangus appears on inscriptions between 1178 and 1181, while Adikuntiketana and his son Paramesvara in 1204.[21]: 129, 144, 168, 180  Balinese culture was strongly influenced by Indian, Chinese, and particularly Hindu culture, beginning around the 1st century AD. The name Bali dwipa ("Bali island") has been discovered from various inscriptions, including the Blanjong pillar inscription written by Sri Kesari Warmadewa in 914 AD and mentioning Walidwipa. It was during this time that the people developed their complex irrigation system subak to grow rice in wet-field cultivation. Some religious and cultural traditions still practised today can be traced to this period. The Hindu-Buddhist Majapahit Empire (1293–1520 AD) on eastern Java founded a Balinese colony in 1343. The uncle of Hayam Wuruk is mentioned in the charters of 1384–86. Mass Javanese immigration to Bali occurred in the next century when the Majapahit Empire fell in 1520.[21]: 234, 240  Bali's government then became an independent collection of Hindu kingdoms which led to a Balinese national identity and major enhancements in culture, arts, and economy. The nation with various kingdoms became independent for up to 386 years until 1906 when the Dutch subjugated and repulsed the natives for economic control and took it over.[22] Portuguese contacts The first known European contact with Bali is thought to have been made in 1512, when a Portuguese expedition led by Antonio Abreu and Francisco Serrão sighted its northern shores. It was the first expedition of a series of bi-annual fleets to the Moluccas, that throughout the 16th century travelled along the coasts of the Sunda Islands. Bali was also mapped in 1512, in the chart of Francisco Rodrigues, aboard the expedition.[23] In 1585, a ship foundered off the Bukit Peninsula and left a few Portuguese in the service of Dewa Agung.[24] Dutch East Indies See also: Dutch East Indies Puputan monument In 1597, the Dutch explorer Cornelis de Houtman arrived at Bali, and the Dutch East India Company was established in 1602. The Dutch government expanded its control across the Indonesian archipelago during the second half of the 19th century. Dutch political and economic control over Bali began in the 1840s on the island's north coast when the Dutch pitted various competing Balinese realms against each other.[25] In the late 1890s, struggles between Balinese kingdoms on the island's south were exploited by the Dutch to increase their control. In June 1860, the famous Welsh naturalist, Alfred Russel Wallace, travelled to Bali from Singapore, landing at Buleleng on the north coast of the island. Wallace's trip to Bali was instrumental in helping him devise his Wallace Line theory. The Wallace Line is a faunal boundary that runs through the strait between Bali and Lombok. It is a boundary between species. In his travel memoir The Malay Archipelago, Wallace wrote of his experience in Bali, which has a strong mention of the unique Balinese irrigation methods: I was astonished and delighted; as my visit to Java was some years later, I had never beheld so beautiful and well-cultivated a district out of Europe. A slightly undulating plain extends from the seacoast about ten or twelve miles (16 or 19 kilometres) inland, where it is bounded by a fine range of wooded and cultivated hills. Houses and villages, marked out by dense clumps of coconut palms, tamarind and other fruit trees, are dotted about in every direction; while between them extend luxurious rice grounds, watered by an elaborate system of irrigation that would be the pride of the best-cultivated parts of Europe.[26] The Dutch mounted large naval and ground assaults at the Sanur region in 1906 and were met by the thousands of members of the royal family and their followers who rather than yield to the superior Dutch force committed ritual suicide (puputan) to avoid the humiliation of surrender.[25] Despite Dutch demands for surrender, an estimated 200 Balinese killed themselves rather than surrender.[27] In the Dutch intervention in Bali, a similar mass suicide occurred in the face of a Dutch assault in Klungkung. Afterwards, the Dutch governours exercised administrative control over the island, but local control over religion and culture generally remained intact. Dutch rule over Bali came later and was never as well established as in other parts of Indonesia such as Java and Maluku. In the 1930s, anthropologists Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson, artists Miguel Covarrubias and Walter Spies, and musicologist Colin McPhee all spent time here. Their accounts of the island and its peoples created a western image of Bali as "an enchanted land of aesthetes at peace with themselves and nature". Western tourists began to visit the island.[28] The sensuous image of Bali was enhanced in the West by a quasi-pornographic 1932 documentary Virgins of Bali about a day in the lives of two teenage Balinese girls whom the film's narrator Deane Dickason notes in the first scene "bathe their shamelessly nude bronze bodies".[29]: 134  Under the looser version of the Hays code that existed up to 1934, nudity involving "civilised" (i.e. white) women was banned, but permitted with "uncivilised" (i.e. all non-white women), a loophole that was exploited by the producers of Virgins of Bali.[29]: 133  The film, which mostly consisted of scenes of topless Balinese women was a great success in 1932, and almost single-handedly made Bali into a popular spot for tourists.[29]: 135  Imperial Japan occupied Bali during World War II. It was not originally a target in their Netherlands East Indies Campaign, but as the airfields on Borneo were inoperative due to heavy rains, the Imperial Japanese Army decided to occupy Bali, which did not suffer from comparable weather. The island had no regular Royal Netherlands East Indies Army (KNIL) troops. There was only a Native Auxiliary Corps Prajoda (Korps Prajoda) consisting of about 600 native soldiers and several Dutch KNIL officers under the command of KNIL Lieutenant Colonel W.P. Roodenburg. On 19 February 1942, the Japanese forces landed near the town of Sanoer (Sanur). The island was quickly captured.[30] During the Japanese occupation, a Balinese military officer, I Gusti Ngurah Rai, formed a Balinese 'freedom army'. The harshness of Japanese occupation forces made them more resented than the Dutch colonial rulers.[31] Independence from the Dutch In 1945, Bali was liberated by the British 5th infantry Division under the command of Major-General Robert Mansergh who took the Japanese surrender. Once Japanese forces had been repatriated the island was handed over to the Dutch the following year. In 1946, the Dutch constituted Bali as one of the 13 administrative districts of the newly proclaimed State of East Indonesia, a rival state to the Republic of Indonesia, which was proclaimed and headed by Sukarno and Hatta. Bali was included in the "Republic of the United States of Indonesia" when the Netherlands recognised Indonesian independence on 29 December 1949.[32] The first governor of Bali, Anak Agung Bagus Suteja, was appointed by President Sukarno in 1958, when Bali became a province.[33] Contemporary 2002 Bali bombings memorial The 1963 eruption of Mount Agung killed thousands, created economic havoc, and forced many displaced Balinese to be transmigrated to other parts of Indonesia. Mirroring the widening of social divisions across Indonesia in the 1950s and early 1960s, Bali saw conflict between supporters of the traditional caste system, and those rejecting this system. Politically, the opposition was represented by supporters of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), with tensions and ill-feeling further increased by the PKI's land reform programmes.[25] A purported coup attempt in Jakarta was averted by forces led by General Suharto. The army became the dominant power as it instigated a violent anti-communist purge, in which the army blamed the PKI for the coup. Most estimates suggest that at least 500,000 people were killed across Indonesia, with an estimated 80,000 killed in Bali, equivalent to 5% of the island's population.[25][28][34] With no Islamic forces involved as in Java and Sumatra, upper-caste PNI landlords led the extermination of PKI members.[34] As a result of the 1965–66 upheavals, Suharto was able to manoeuvre Sukarno out of the presidency. His "New Order" government re-established relations with Western countries. The pre-War Bali as "paradise" was revived in a modern form. The resulting large growth in tourism has led to a dramatic increase in Balinese standards of living and significant foreign exchange earned for the country.[25] A bombing in 2002 by militant Islamists in the tourist area of Kuta killed 202 people, mostly foreigners. This attack, and another in 2005, severely reduced tourism, producing much economic hardship on the island. On 27 November 2017, Mount Agung erupted five times, causing the evacuation of thousands, disrupting air travel and causing much environmental damage. Further eruptions also occurred between 2018 and 2019.[35] On 15–16 November 2022, was held in Nusa Dua the 2022 G20 Bali summit, the seventeenth meeting of Group of Twenty (G20).[36] Geography See also: List of bodies of water in Bali and List of mountains in Bali Aerial photograph of Bali Detailed map of Bali The island of Bali lies 3.2 km (2.0 mi) east of Java, and is approximately 8 degrees south of the equator. Bali and Java are separated by the Bali Strait. East to west, the island is approximately 153 km (95 mi) wide and spans approximately 112 km (70 mi) north to south; administratively it covers 5,780 km2 (2,230 sq mi), or 5,577 km2 (2,153 sq mi) without Nusa Penida District,[37] which comprises three small islands off the southeast coast of Bali. Its population density was roughly 747 people/km2 (1,930 people/sq mi) in 2020. Mount Agung is the highest point of Bali. Bali's central mountains include several peaks over 2,000 metres (6,600 feet) in elevation and active volcanoes such as Mount Batur. The highest is Mount Agung (3,031 m; 9,944 ft), known as the "mother mountain", which is an active volcano rated as one of the world's most likely sites for a massive eruption within the next 100 years.[38] In late 2017 Mount Agung started erupting and large numbers of people were evacuated, temporarily closing the island's airport.[39] Mountains range from centre to the eastern side, with Mount Agung the easternmost peak. Bali's volcanic nature has contributed to its exceptional fertility and its tall mountain ranges provide the high rainfall that supports the highly productive agriculture sector. South of the mountains is a broad, steadily descending area where most of Bali's large rice crop is grown. The northern side of the mountains slopes more steeply to the sea and is the main coffee-producing area of the island, along with rice, vegetables, and cattle. The longest river, Ayung River, flows approximately 75 km (47 mi) (see List of rivers of Bali). The island is surrounded by coral reefs. Beaches in the south tend to have white sand while those in the north and west have black sand. Bali has no major waterways, although the Ho River is navigable by small sampan boats. Black sand beaches between Pasut and Klatingdukuh are being developed for tourism, but apart from the seaside temple of Tanah Lot, they are not yet used for significant tourism. The cliff of Nusa Penida with Kelingking beach in the foreground The largest city is the provincial capital, Denpasar, near the southern coast. Its population is around 726,800 (mid 2022).[2] Bali's second-largest city is the old colonial capital, Singaraja, which is located on the north coast and is home to around 150,000 people in 2020.[40] Other important cities include the beach resort, Kuta, which is practically part of Denpasar's urban area, and Ubud, situated at the north of Denpasar, is the island's cultural centre.[41] Three small islands lie to the immediate south-east and all are administratively part of the Klungkung regency of Bali: Nusa Penida, Nusa Lembongan and Nusa Ceningan. These islands are separated from Bali by the Badung Strait. To the east, the Lombok Strait separates Bali from Lombok and marks the biogeographical division between the fauna of the Indomalayan realm and the distinctly different fauna of Australasia. The transition is known as the Wallace Line, named after Alfred Russel Wallace, who first proposed a transition zone between these two major biomes. When sea levels dropped during the Pleistocene ice age, Bali was connected to Java and Sumatra and to the mainland of Asia and shared the Asian fauna, but the deep water of the Lombok Strait continued to keep Lombok Island and the Lesser Sunda archipelago isolated. Climate Being just 8 degrees south of the equator, Bali has a fairly even climate all year round. Average year-round temperature stands at around 30 °C (86 °F) with a humidity level of about 85%.[42] Daytime temperatures at low elevations vary between 20 and 33 °C (68 and 91 °F), but the temperatures decrease significantly with increasing elevation. The west monsoon is in place from approximately October to April, and this can bring significant rain, particularly from December to March. During the rainy season, there are comparatively fewer tourists seen in Bali. During the Easter and Christmas holidays, the weather is very unpredictable. Outside of the monsoon period, humidity is relatively low and any rain is unlikely in lowland areas. Ecology Bali myna (Leucopsar rothschildi) is found only in Bali and is critically endangered. Bali lies just to the west of the Wallace Line,[43] and thus has a fauna that is Asian in character, with very little Australasian influence, and has more in common with Java than with Lombok.[44] An exception is the yellow-crested cockatoo, a member of a primarily Australasian family. There are around 280 species of birds, including the critically endangered Bali myna, which is endemic. Others include barn swallow, black-naped oriole, black racket-tailed treepie, crested serpent-eagle, crested treeswift, dollarbird, Java sparrow, lesser adjutant, long-tailed shrike, milky stork, Pacific swallow, red-rumped swallow, sacred kingfisher, sea eagle, woodswallow, savanna nightjar, stork-billed kingfisher, yellow-vented bulbul and great egret. Until the early 20th century, Bali was possibly home to several large mammals: banteng, leopard and the endemic Bali tiger. The banteng still occurs in its domestic form, whereas leopards are found only in neighbouring Java, and the Bali tiger is extinct. The last definite record of a tiger on Bali dates from 1937 when one was shot, though the subspecies may have survived until the 1940s or 1950s.[45] Pleistocene and Holocene megafaunas include banteng and giant tapir (based on speculations that they might have reached up to the Wallace Line),[46] and rhinoceros.[47] Monkeys in Uluwatu Squirrels are quite commonly encountered, less often is the Asian palm civet, which is also kept in coffee farms to produce kopi luwak. Bats are well represented, perhaps the most famous place to encounter them remaining is the Goa Lawah (Temple of the Bats) where they are worshipped by the locals and also constitute a tourist attraction. They also occur in other cave temples, for instance at Gangga Beach. Two species of monkey occur. The crab-eating macaque, known locally as "kera", is quite common around human settlements and temples, where it becomes accustomed to being fed by humans, particularly in any of the three "monkey forest" temples, such as the popular one in the Ubud area. They are also quite often kept as pets by locals. The second monkey, endemic to Java and some surrounding islands such as Bali, is far rarer and more elusive and is the Javan langur, locally known as "lutung". They occur in a few places apart from the West Bali National Park. They are born an orange colour, though they would have already changed to a more blackish colouration by their first year.[citation needed] In Java, however, there is more of a tendency for this species to retain its juvenile orange colour into adulthood, and a mixture of black and orange monkeys can be seen together as a family. Other rarer mammals include the leopard cat, Sunda pangolin and black giant squirrel. Snakes include the king cobra and reticulated python. The water monitor can grow to at least 1.5 m (4.9 ft) in length and 50 kg (110 lb)[48] and can move quickly. The rich coral reefs around the coast, particularly around popular diving spots such as Tulamben, Amed, Menjangan or neighbouring Nusa Penida, host a wide range of marine life, for instance hawksbill turtle, giant sunfish, giant manta ray, giant moray eel, bumphead parrotfish, hammerhead shark, reef shark, barracuda, and sea snakes. Dolphins are commonly encountered on the north coast near Singaraja and Lovina.[49] A team of scientists surveyed from 29 April 2011, to 11 May 2011, at 33 sea sites around Bali. They discovered 952 species of reef fish of which 8 were new discoveries at Pemuteran, Gilimanuk, Nusa Dua, Tulamben and Candidasa, and 393 coral species, including two new ones at Padangbai and between Padangbai and Amed.[50] The average coverage level of healthy coral was 36% (better than in Raja Ampat and Halmahera by 29% or in Fakfak and Kaimana by 25%) with the highest coverage found in Gili Selang and Gili Mimpang in Candidasa, Karangasem Regency.[51] Among the larger trees the most common are: banyan trees, jackfruit, coconuts, bamboo species, acacia trees and also endless rows of coconuts and banana species. Numerous flowers can be seen: hibiscus, frangipani, bougainvillea, poinsettia, oleander, jasmine, water lily, lotus, roses, begonias, orchids and hydrangeas exist. On higher grounds that receive more moisture, for instance, around Kintamani, certain species of fern trees, mushrooms and even pine trees thrive well. Rice comes in many varieties. Other plants with agricultural value include: salak, mangosteen, corn, Kintamani orange, coffee and water spinach.[52][citation needed] Environment Uluwatu A comparison panorama of the Canggu Shortcut in 2013 vs 2023 which shows the development that South of Bali has been experiencing in the recent years. Over-exploitation by the tourist industry has led to 200 out of 400 rivers on the island drying up. Research suggests that the southern part of Bali would face a water shortage.[53] To ease the shortage, the central government plans to build a water catchment and processing facility at Petanu River in Gianyar. The 300 litres capacity of water per second will be channelled to Denpasar, Badung and Gianyar in 2013.[54] A 2010 Environment Ministry report on its environmental quality index gave Bali a score of 99.65, which was the highest score of Indonesia's 33 provinces. The score considers the level of total suspended solids, dissolved oxygen, and chemical oxygen demand in water.[55] Erosion at Lebih Beach has seen seven metres (23 feet) of land lost every year. Decades ago, this beach was used for holy pilgrimages with more than 10,000 people, but they have now moved to Masceti Beach.[56] In 2017, a year when Bali received nearly 5.7 million tourists, government officials declared a "garbage emergency" in response to the covering of 3.6-mile stretch of coastline in plastic waste brought in by the tide, amid concerns that the pollution could dissuade visitors from returning.[57] Indonesia is one of the world's worst plastic polluters, with some estimates suggesting the country is the source of around 10 per cent of the world's plastic waste. Government Politics In the national legislature, Bali is represented by nine members,[58] with a single electoral district covering the whole province.[59] The Bali Regional People's Representative Council, the provincial legislature, has 55 members.[60] The province's politics has historically been dominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which has won by far the most votes in every election in Bali since the first free elections in 1999.[61] Administrative divisions Main article: List of districts of Bali The province is divided into eight regencies (kabupaten) and one city (kota). These are, with their areas and their populations at the 2010 census[62] and the 2020 census,[63] together with the official estimates as at mid 2022[2] and the Human Development Index for each regency and city. Kode Wilayah Name of City or Regency Capital Area in km2 Pop'n 2000 Census Pop'n 2010 Census Pop'n 2020 Census Pop'n mid 2022 Estimate HDI[64] 2019 estimate 51.71 Denpasar City Denpasar 127.78 532,440 788,589 725,314 726,800 0.830 (Very High) 51.03 Badung Regency Mangupura 418.62 345,863 543,332 548,191 549,500 0.802 (Very High) 51.06 Bangli Regency Bangli 490.71 193,776 215,353 258,721 267,100 0.689 (Medium) 51.08 Buleleng Regency Singaraja 1,364.73 558,181 624,125 791,813 825,100 0.715 (High) 51.04 Gianyar Regency Gianyar 368.00 393,155 469,777 515,344 524,000 0.760 (High) 51.01 Jembrana Regency Negara 841.80 231,806 261,638 317,064 327,900 0.712 (High) 51.07 Karangasem Regency Amlapura 839.54 360,486 396,487 492,402 511,300 0.676 (Medium) 51.05 Klungkung Regency Semarapura 315.00 155,262 170,543 206,925 214,000 0.703 (High) 51.02 Tabanan Regency Tabanan 1,013.88 376,030 420,913 461,630 469,300 0.748 (High) Totals 5,780.06 3,146,999 3,890,757 4,317,404 4,415,100 0.794 (High) Economy In the 1970s, the Balinese economy was largely agriculture-based in terms of both output and employment.[65] Tourism is now the largest single industry in terms of income, and as a result, Bali is one of Indonesia's wealthiest regions. In 2003, around 80% of Bali's economy was tourism related.[9] By the end of June 2011, the rate of non-performing loans of all banks in Bali were 2.23%, lower than the average of Indonesian banking industry non-performing loan rates (about 5%).[66] The economy, however, suffered significantly as a result of the Islamists' terrorist bombings in 2002 and 2005. The tourism industry has since recovered from these events. Agriculture Wood carving Although tourism produces the GDP's largest output, agriculture is still the island's biggest employer.[67] Fishing also provides a significant number of jobs. Bali is also famous for its artisans who produce a vast array of handicrafts, including batik and ikat cloth and clothing, wooden carvings, stone carvings, painted art and silverware. Notably, individual villages typically adopt a single product, such as wind chimes or wooden furniture. The Arabica coffee production region is the highland region of Kintamani near Mount Batur. Generally, Balinese coffee is processed using the wet method. This results in a sweet, soft coffee with good consistency. Typical flavours include lemon and other citrus notes.[68] Many coffee farmers in Kintamani are members of a traditional farming system called Subak Abian, which is based on the Hindu philosophy of "Tri Hita Karana". According to this philosophy, the three causes of happiness are good relations with God, other people, and the environment. The Subak Abian system is ideally suited to the production of fair trade and organic coffee production. Arabica coffee from Kintamani is the first product in Indonesia to request a geographical indication.[69] Tourism Number of tourists by nationality No. Country Tourists 1 Australia 1,225,425 2 China 1,185,764 3 India 371,850 4 United Kingdom 283,539 5 United States 273,317 6 Japan 257,897 7 South Korea 213,324 8 France 206,814 9 Germany 194,773 10 Malaysia 184,477 As of 2019[70] Kuta Beach is a popular tourist spot. Several tourist spots in Bali island, from top left to right: Sunset over Amed beach with Mount Agung in the background, Garuda Wisnu Kencana monument, Tanah Lot temple, view from top of Besakih Temple, scuba diving around Pemuteran, The Rock Bar at Jimbaran Bay, and various traditional Balinese people activities Ogoh-ogoh procession on the eve of Nyepi In 1963 the Bali Beach Hotel in Sanur was built by Sukarno and boosted tourism in Bali. Before the Bali Beach Hotel construction, there were only three significant tourist-class hotels on the island.[71] Construction of hotels and restaurants began to spread throughout Bali. Tourism further increased in Bali after the Ngurah Rai International Airport opened in 1970. The Buleleng regency government encouraged the tourism sector as one of the mainstays for economic progress and social welfare. The tourism industry is primarily focused in the south, while also significant in the other parts of the island. The prominent tourist locations are the town of Kuta (with its beach), and its outer suburbs of Legian and Seminyak (which were once independent townships), the east coast town of Sanur (once the only tourist hub), Ubud towards the centre of the island, to the south of the Ngurah Rai International Airport, Jimbaran and the newer developments of Nusa Dua and Pecatu. The United States government lifted its travel warnings in 2008. The Australian government issued an advisory on Friday, 4 May 2012, with the overall level of this advisory lowered to 'Exercise a high degree of caution'. The Swedish government issued a new warning on Sunday, 10 June 2012, because of one tourist who died from methanol poisoning.[72] Australia last issued an advisory on Monday, 5 January 2015, due to new terrorist threats.[73] An offshoot of tourism is the growing real estate industry. Bali's real estate has been rapidly developing in the main tourist areas of Kuta, Legian, Seminyak, and Oberoi. Most recently, high-end 5-star projects are under development on the Bukit peninsula, on the island's south side. Expensive villas are being developed along the cliff sides of south Bali, with commanding panoramic ocean views. Foreign and domestic, many Jakarta individuals and companies are fairly active, and investment into other areas of the island also continues to grow. Land prices, despite the worldwide economic crisis, have remained stable. In the last half of 2008, Indonesia's currency had dropped approximately 30% against the US dollar, providing many overseas visitors with improved value for their currencies. Bali's tourism economy survived the Islamist terrorist bombings of 2002 and 2005, and the tourism industry has slowly recovered and surpassed its pre-terrorist bombing levels; the long-term trend has been a steady increase in visitor arrivals. In 2010, Bali received 2.57 million foreign tourists, which surpassed the target of 2.0–2.3 million tourists. The average occupancy of starred hotels achieved 65%, so the island still should be able to accommodate tourists for some years without any addition of new rooms/hotels,[74] although at the peak season some of them are fully booked. Bali received the Best Island award from Travel and Leisure in 2010.[75] Bali won because of its attractive surroundings (both mountain and coastal areas), diverse tourist attractions, excellent international and local restaurants, and the friendliness of the local people. The Balinese culture and its religion are also considered the main factor of the award. One of the most prestigious events that symbolize a strong relationship between a god and its followers is Kecak dance. According to BBC Travel released in 2011, Bali is one of the World's Best Islands, ranking second after Santorini, Greece.[76] In 2006, Elizabeth Gilbert's memoir Eat, Pray, Love was published, and in August 2010 it was adapted into the film Eat Pray Love. It took place at Ubud and Padang-Padang Beach in Bali. Both the book and the film fuelled a boom in tourism in Ubud, the hill town and cultural and tourist centre that was the focus of Gilbert's quest for balance and love through traditional spirituality and healing.[77] In January 2016, after musician David Bowie died, it was revealed that in his will, Bowie asked for his ashes to be scattered in Bali, conforming to Buddhist rituals. He had visited and performed in several Southeast Asian cities early in his career, including Bangkok and Singapore.[78] Since 2011, China has displaced Japan as the second-largest supplier of tourists to Bali, while Australia still tops the list while India has also emerged as a greater supply of tourists. Chinese tourists increased by 17% in 2011 from 2010 due to the impact of ACFTA and new direct flights to Bali.[79] In January 2012, Chinese tourists increased by 222.18% compared to January 2011, while Japanese tourists declined by 23.54% year on year.[80] Bali authorities reported the island had 2.88 million foreign tourists and 5 million domestic tourists in 2012, marginally surpassing the expectations of 2.8 million foreign tourists.[81] Based on a Bank Indonesia survey in May 2013, 34.39 per cent of tourists are upper-middle class, spending between $1,286 and $5,592, and are dominated by Australia, India, France, China, Germany and the UK. Some Chinese tourists have increased their levels of spending from previous years. 30.26 per cent of tourists are middle class, spending between $662 and $1,285.[82] In 2017 it was expected that Chinese tourists would outnumber Australian tourists. In January 2020, 10,000 Chinese tourists cancelled trips to Bali due to the COVID-19 pandemic.[83] Because of the COVID-19 pandemic travel restrictions, Bali welcomed 1.07 million international travelers in 2020, most of them between January and March, which is -87% compared to 2019. In the first half of 2021, they welcomed 43 international travelers.[84] The pandemic presented a major blow on Bali's tourism-dependent economy. On 3 February 2022, Bali reopened again for the first foreign tourists after 2 years of being closed due to the pandemic.[85] In 2022 Indonesia's Minister of Health, Budi Sadikin, stated that the tourism industry in Bali will be complemented by the medical industry.[86] At the beginning of 2023, the governor of Bali demanded a ban on the use of motorcycles by tourists. This happened after a series of accidents. Wayan Koster proposed to cancel the violators' visas. The move sparked widespread outrage on social media.[87] Transportation I Gusti Ngurah Rai International Airport The Ngurah Rai International Airport is located near Jimbaran, on the isthmus at the southernmost part of the island. Lt. Col. Wisnu Airfield is in northwest Bali. A coastal road circles the island, and three major two-lane arteries cross the central mountains at passes reaching 1,750 m in height (at Penelokan). The Ngurah Rai Bypass is a four-lane expressway that partly encircles Denpasar. Bali has no railway lines. There is a car ferry between Gilimanuk on the west coast of Bali to Ketapang on Java. In December 2010 the Government of Indonesia invited investors to build a new Tanah Ampo Cruise Terminal at Karangasem, Bali with a projected worth of $30 million.[88] On 17 July 2011, the first cruise ship (Sun Princess) anchored about 400 metres (1,300 feet) away from the wharf of Tanah Ampo harbour. The current pier is only 154 metres (505 feet) but will eventually be extended to 300 to 350 metres (980–1,150 feet) to accommodate international cruise ships. The harbour is safer than the existing facility at Benoa and has a scenic backdrop of east Bali mountains and green rice fields.[89] The tender for improvement was subject to delays, and as of July 2013 the situation was unclear with cruise line operators complaining and even refusing to use the existing facility at Tanah Ampo.[90] Trans Sarbagita bus A memorandum of understanding was signed by two ministers, Bali's governor and Indonesian Train Company to build 565 kilometres (351 miles) of railway along the coast around the island. As of July 2015, no details of these proposed railways have been released.[91][92] In 2019 it was reported in Gapura Bali that Wayan Koster, governor of Bali, "is keen to improve Bali's transportation infrastructure and is considering plans to build an electric rail network across the island".[93] On 16 March 2011 (Tanjung) Benoa port received the "Best Port Welcome 2010" award from London's "Dream World Cruise Destination" magazine.[94] Government plans to expand the role of Benoa port as export-import port to boost Bali's trade and industry sector.[95] In 2013, The Tourism and Creative Economy Ministry advised that 306 cruise liners were scheduled to visit Indonesia, an increase of 43 per cent compared to the previous year.[96] In May 2011, an integrated Area Traffic Control System (ATCS) was implemented to reduce traffic jams at four crossing points: Ngurah Rai statue, Dewa Ruci Kuta crossing, Jimbaran crossing and Sanur crossing. ATCS is an integrated system connecting all traffic lights, CCTVs and other traffic signals with a monitoring office at the police headquarters. It has successfully been implemented in other ASEAN countries and will be implemented at other crossings in Bali.[97][98] Bali Mandara Toll Road On 21 December 2011, construction started on the Nusa Dua-Benoa-Ngurah Rai International Airport toll road, which will also provide a special lane for motorcycles. This has been done by seven state-owned enterprises led by PT Jasa Marga with 60% of the shares. PT Jasa Marga Bali Tol will construct the 9.91-kilometre-long (6.16-mile) toll road (totally 12.7 kilometres (7.89 miles) with access road). The construction is estimated to cost Rp.2.49 trillion ($273.9 million). The project goes through 2 kilometres (1 mile) of mangrove forest and through 2.3 kilometres (1.4 miles) of beach, both within 5.4 hectares (13 acres) area. The elevated toll road is built over the mangrove forest on 18,000 concrete pillars that occupied two hectares of mangrove forest. This was compensated by the planting of 300,000 mangrove trees along the road. On 21 December 2011, the Dewa Ruci 450-metre (1,480-foot) underpass has also started on the busy Dewa Ruci junction near Bali Kuta Galeria with an estimated cost of Rp136 billion ($14.9 million) from the state budget.[99][100][101] On 23 September 2013, the Bali Mandara Toll Road was opened, with the Dewa Ruci Junction (Simpang Siur) underpass being opened previously.[102] To solve chronic traffic problems, the province will also build a toll road connecting Serangan with Tohpati, a toll road connecting Kuta, Denpasar, and Tohpati, and a flyover connecting Kuta and Ngurah Rai Airport.[103] Demographics Balinese family after performing puja in a temple Historical populationYear Pop. ±% 1971 2,120,322 — 1980 2,469,930 +16.5% 1990 2,777,811 +12.5% 1995 2,895,649 +4.2% 2000 3,146,999 +8.7% 2005 3,378,092 +7.3% 2010 3,890,757 +15.2% 2015 4,148,588 +6.6% 2020 4,317,404 +4.1% 2022 4,415,100 +2.3% sources:[104] The population of Bali was 3,890,757 as of the 2010 census, and 4,317,404 at the 2020 census; the official estimate as at mid 2022 was 4,415,100.[105] There are an estimated 30,000 expatriates living in Bali.[106] Ethnic origins A DNA study in 2005 by Karafet et al.[107] found that 12% of Balinese Y-chromosomes are of likely Indian origin, while 84% are of likely Austronesian origin, and 2% of likely Melanesian origin. Caste system Main article: Balinese caste system Pre-modern Bali had four castes, as Jeff Lewis and Belinda Lewis state, but with a "very strong tradition of communal decision-making and interdependence".[108] The four castes have been classified as Sudra (Shudra), Wesia (Vaishyas), Satria (Kshatriyas) and Brahmana (Brahmin).[109] The 19th-century scholars such as Crawfurd and Friederich suggested that the Balinese caste system had Indian origins, but Helen Creese states that scholars such as Brumund who had visited and stayed on the island of Bali suggested that his field observations conflicted with the "received understandings concerning its Indian origins".[110] In Bali, the Shudra (locally spelt Soedra) has typically been the temple priests, though depending on the demographics, a temple priest may also be from the other three castes.[111] In most regions, it has been the Shudra who typically make offerings to the gods on behalf of the Hindu devotees, chant prayers, recite meweda (Vedas), and set the course of Balinese temple festivals.[111] Religion Religion in Bali (2022)[112] Hinduism (86.70%) Islam (10.10%) Christianity (2.50%) Buddhism (0.68%) Other (0.02%) About 86.70% of Bali's population adheres to Balinese Hinduism, formed as a combination of existing local beliefs and Hindu influences from mainland Southeast Asia and South Asia. Minority religions include Islam (10.10%), Christianity (2.50%), and Buddhism (0.68%) as for 2018.[4][112] The Mother Temple of Besakih, one of Bali's most significant Hindu temples. The general beliefs and practices of Agama Hindu Dharma mix ancient traditions and contemporary pressures placed by Indonesian laws that permit only monotheist belief under the national ideology of Pancasila.[113][114] Traditionally, Hinduism in Indonesia had a pantheon of deities and that tradition of belief continues in practice; further, Hinduism in Indonesia granted freedom and flexibility to Hindus as to when, how and where to pray.[114] However, officially, the Indonesian government considers and advertises Indonesian Hinduism as a monotheistic religion with certain officially recognised beliefs that comply with its national ideology.[113][114][115] Indonesian school textbooks describe Hinduism as having one supreme being, Hindus offering three daily mandatory prayers, and Hinduism as having certain common beliefs that in part parallel those of Islam.[114][116] Scholars[114][117][118] contest whether these Indonesian government recognised and assigned beliefs to reflect the traditional beliefs and practices of Hindus in Indonesia before Indonesia gained independence from Dutch colonial rule. Balinese Hinduism has roots in Indian Hinduism and Buddhism, which arrived through Java.[119] Hindu influences reached the Indonesian Archipelago as early as the first century.[120] Historical evidence is unclear about the diffusion process of cultural and spiritual ideas from India. Java legends refer to Saka-era, traced to 78 AD. Stories from the Mahabharata Epic have been traced in Indonesian islands to the 1st century; however, the versions mirror those found in the southeast Indian peninsular region (now Tamil Nadu and southern Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh).[120] Pura Ulun Danu Bratan The Bali tradition adopted the pre-existing animistic traditions of the indigenous people. This influence strengthened the belief that the gods and goddesses are present in all things. Every element of nature, therefore, possesses its power, which reflects the power of the gods. A rock, tree, dagger, or woven cloth is a potential home for spirits whose energy can be directed for good or evil. Balinese Hinduism is deeply interwoven with art and ritual. Ritualising states of self-control are a notable feature of religious expression among the people, who for this reason have become famous for their graceful and decorous behaviour.[121] Apart from the majority of Balinese Hindus, there also exist Chinese immigrants whose traditions have melded with that of the locals. As a result, these Sino-Balinese embrace their original religion, which is a mixture of Buddhism, Christianity, Taoism, and Confucianism, and find a way to harmonise it with the local traditions. Hence, it is not uncommon to find local Sino-Balinese during the local temple's odalan. Moreover, Balinese Hindu priests are invited to perform rites alongside a Chinese priest in the event of the death of a Sino-Balinese. Nevertheless, the Sino-Balinese claim to embrace Buddhism for administrative purposes, such as their Identity Cards.[122] The Roman Catholic community has a diocese, the Diocese of Denpasar that encompasses the province of Bali and West Nusa Tenggara and has its cathedral located in Denpasar. Penataran Lempuyang Temple, Gunung Lempuyang, Bali Penataran Lempuyang Temple, Gunung Lempuyang, Bali Saint Joseph's Church, Denpasar Saint Joseph's Church, Denpasar Ling Sii Miao Buddhist Temple, Denpasar Ling Sii Miao Buddhist Temple, Denpasar Ibnu Batutah Mosque, Kuta Ibnu Batutah Mosque, Kuta Language Main article: Balinese language Duration: 1 minute and 30 seconds.1:30 Balinese language Balinese and Indonesian are the most widely spoken languages in Bali, and the vast majority of Balinese people are bilingual or trilingual. The most common spoken language around the tourist areas is Indonesian, as many people in the tourist sector are not solely Balinese, but migrants from Java, Lombok, Sumatra, and other parts of Indonesia. The Balinese language is heavily stratified due to the Balinese caste system.[123] Kawi and Sanskrit are also commonly used by some Hindu priests in Bali, as Hindu literature was mostly written in Sanskrit. English and Chinese are the next most common languages (and the primary foreign languages) of many Balinese, owing to the requirements of the tourism industry, as well as the English-speaking community and huge Chinese-Indonesian population. Other foreign languages, such as Japanese, Korean, French, Russian or German are often used in multilingual signs for foreign tourists. Culture See also: Balinese architecture, Balinese art, Balinese cuisine, Balinese dance, and Music of Bali Balinese cuisine Rejang, a sacred Balinese dance to greet the gods that come down to the earth on ceremony day Kecak dance Cremation ceremony in Nusa Penida Bali is renowned for its diverse and sophisticated art forms, such as painting, sculpture, woodcarving, handcrafts, and performing arts. Balinese cuisine is also distinctive, and unlike the rest of Indonesia, pork is commonly found in Balinese dishes such as Babi Guling. [124] Balinese percussion orchestra music, known as gamelan, is highly developed and varied. Balinese performing arts often portray stories from Hindu epics such as the Ramayana but with heavy Balinese influence. Famous Balinese dances include pendet, legong, baris, topeng, barong, gong keybar, and kecak (the monkey dance). Bali boasts one of the most diverse and innovative performing arts cultures in the world, with paid performances at thousands of temple festivals, private ceremonies, and public shows.[125] Architecture Kaja and kelod are the Balinese equivalents of North and South, which refer to one's orientation between the island's largest mountain Gunung Agung (kaja), and the sea (kelod). In addition to spatial orientation, kaja and kelod have the connotation of good and evil; gods and ancestors are believed to live on the mountain whereas demons live in the sea. Buildings such as temples and residential homes are spatially oriented by having the most sacred spaces closest to the mountain and the unclean places nearest to the sea.[126][127] Most temples have an inner courtyard and an outer courtyard which are arranged with the inner courtyard furthest kaja. These spaces serve as performance venues since most Balinese rituals are accompanied by any combination of music, dance, and drama. The performances that take place in the inner courtyard are classified as wali, the most sacred rituals which are offerings exclusively for the gods, while the outer courtyard is where bebali ceremonies are held, which are intended for gods and people. Lastly, performances meant solely for the entertainment of humans take place outside the temple's walls and are called bali-balihan. This three-tiered system of classification was standardised in 1971 by a committee of Balinese officials and artists to better protect the sanctity of the oldest and most sacred Balinese rituals from being performed for a paying audience.[128] Dances Tourism, Bali's chief industry, has provided the island with a foreign audience that is eager to pay for entertainment, thus creating new performance opportunities and more demand for performers. The impact of tourism is controversial since before it became integrated into the economy, the Balinese performing arts did not exist as a capitalist venture, and were not performed for entertainment outside of their respective ritual context. Since the 1930s sacred rituals such as the barong dance have been performed both in their original contexts, as well as exclusively for paying tourists. This has led to new versions of many of these performances that have developed according to the preferences of foreign audiences; some villages have a barong mask specifically for non-ritual performances and an older mask that is only used for sacred performances.[129] Festivals Throughout the year, there are many festivals celebrated locally or island-wide according to the traditional calendars.[130] The Hindu New Year, Nyepi, is celebrated in the spring by a day of silence. On this day everyone stays at home and tourists are encouraged (or required) to remain in their hotels. On the day before New Year, large and colourful sculptures of Ogoh-ogoh monsters are paraded and burned in the evening to drive away evil spirits. Other festivals throughout the year are specified by the Balinese pawukon calendrical system. Celebrations are held for many occasions such as a tooth-filing (coming-of-age ritual), cremation or odalan (temple festival). One of the most important concepts that Balinese ceremonies have in common is that of désa kala patra, which refers to how ritual performances must be appropriate in both the specific and general social context.[126] Many ceremonial art forms such as wayang kulit and topeng are highly improvisatory, providing flexibility for the performer to adapt the performance to the current situation.[131] Many celebrations call for a loud, boisterous atmosphere with much activity, and the resulting aesthetic, ramé, is distinctively Balinese. Often two or more gamelan ensembles will be performing well within earshot, and sometimes compete with each other to be heard. Likewise, the audience members talk amongst themselves, get up and walk around, or even cheer on the performance, which adds to the many layers of activity and the liveliness typical of ramé.[132] Tradition Balinese society continues to revolve around each family's ancestral village, to which the cycle of life and religion is closely tied.[133] Coercive aspects of traditional society, such as customary law sanctions imposed by traditional authorities such as village councils (including "kasepekang", or shunning) have risen in importance as a consequence of the democratisation and decentralisation of Indonesia since 1998.[133] Other than Balinese sacred rituals and festivals, the government presents Bali Arts Festival to showcase Bali's performing arts and various artworks produced by the local talents that they have. It is held once a year, from the second week of June until the end of July. Southeast Asia's biggest annual festival of words and ideas Ubud Writers and Readers Festival is held at Ubud in October, which is participated by the world's most celebrated writers, artists, thinkers, and performers.[134] One unusual tradition is the naming of children in Bali. In general, Balinese people name their children depending on the order they are born, and the names are the same for both males and females. Beauty pageant Bali was the host of Miss World 2013 (63rd edition of the Miss World pageant). It was the first time Indonesia hosted an international beauty pageant. In 2022, Bali also co-hosted Miss Grand International 2022 along with Jakarta, West Java, and Banten. Sports Kapten I Wayan Dipta Stadium, the home of Bali United F.C. Bali is a major world surfing destination with popular breaks dotted across the southern coastline and around the offshore island of Nusa Lembongan.[135] As part of the Coral Triangle, Bali, including Nusa Penida, offers a wide range of dive sites with varying types of reefs, and tropical aquatic life. Bali was the host of 2008 Asian Beach Games.[136] It was the second time Indonesia hosted an Asia-level multi-sport event, after Jakarta held the 1962 Asian Games. In 2023, Bali was the location for a major eSports event, the Dota 2 Bali Major, the third and final Major of the Dota Pro Circuit season. The event was held at the Ayana Estate and the Champa Garden, and it was the first time that a Dota Pro Circuit Major was held in Indonesia.[citation needed] In football, Bali is home to Bali United football club, which plays in Liga 1. The team was relocated from Samarinda, East Kalimantan to Gianyar, Bali. Harbiansyah Hanafiah, the main commissioner of Bali United explained that he changed the name and moved the home base because there was no representative from Bali in the highest football tier in Indonesia.[137] Another reason was due to local fans in Samarinda preferring to support Pusamania Borneo F.C. rather than Persisam. Heritage sites In June 2012, Subak, the irrigation system for paddy fields in Jatiluwih, central Bali was listed as a Natural UNESCO World Heritage Site.[138] See also flagIndonesia portaliconIslands portal Culture of Indonesia Hinduism in Indonesia Tourism in Indonesia References "Pembentukan Daerah-daerah Tingkat I Bali, Nusa Tenggara Barat Dan Nusa Tenggara Timur". dpr.go.id. Archived from the original on 29 October 2020. Retrieved 29 January 2020. 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